Kem Ley’s One Crowded Hour

“I am happy to confront it [risk].”

Analyst and researcher Kem Ley, personal email to Ung Bun Ang, 27 April 2016

“One crowded hour of glorious life is worth an age without a name.”

British officer and poet Thomas Osbert Mordaunt (1730-1809)

Kem Ley is a defiant soul, and gets straight to the point when it comes to facing risks surrounding his social development endeavours. As usual, his above statement is sharp, short, and unambiguous. He may be well aware of the Mordaunt’s quote, and is committed to putting every one of his breathes to a good use for Cambodians. While many of his contemporaries see as unacceptable risks, Kem Ley sees them as opportunities – to make things right by and for the people of Cambodia.

As a qualified researcher he relies on surveys scientifically conducted whenever possible. He is not a drunk who uses statistics as a lamp post – for support rather than illumination. He believes gathering and sharing of accurate information will help reduce destructive and unnecessary frictions in any contest.

His personal observations also play a large role in gathering information and in formulating his ideas. He travels widely and frequently into remote areas of the country, and conducts countless conversations with villagers.

His analyses and criticisms are largely positive. For instance, after Global Witness publishes its third major report recently, Kem Ley suggests the CPP make use of all the three to its advantages by addressing major issues they raise. He says this would help earn them popularity and votes, and keep any oppositions at bay. However, the CPP does not share that positivity. It simply dismisses those reports as lies and something sinister.

His deep understanding of issues facing Cambodia and his straight talk convey clear messages to his audiences. And going by reactions to his demise and a lengthy funeral service, the public has embraced his contributions. The fact that his messages are coming through is the cause for concern to those would rather see him quiet.

Kem Ley has – as lateral thinker Edward de Bono would put it – a beautiful mind. His Facebook page is packed with fascinating ideas. One of Kem Ley fables collection tells of a long-term Viet settler contemplating changing her vote from her ruling party CPP to the opposition. She says a current large influx of new settlers from Vietnam make it hard for her to compete with them in making a living. Another captivating story of his speaks of a fish swimming downstream in the Mekong river. The fable says it may now be happy but it will drop dead as soon as it hits the sea where the freshwater ends. Another riveting fable recounts a conversation between the haves and the have-nots. The haves tell the have-nots to be happy with what they have, and to be patient as their party is delivering. The have-nots say they want what the haves have – beautiful cars, villas, and young wife; they retort what more do the haves want?

Ultimately, Kem Ley shows it is not the years in his life that count; it is how he lives the life in his years. He has crowded glorious ideas and activities into his one fine hour that will prick Cambodian conscience for generations.

Ung Bun Ang

18vii16

By The Way

Within twelve hours of Dr Kem Ley’s death, a local intellectual with all their wisdom and sensitivity doubted if Kem Ley, who was known to be ready to sacrifice his life in his endeavour, had bought any life insurance for his family.

Anyway, it is not certain if any honest persons, like Kem Ley, who commit themselves to righteousness and a better society could be so calculating for self-interest.

Nevertheless, would any life insurers write such a risky policy with affordable premiums? Would they honour the policy when the risk is arguably cut from the same cloth as suicide?

Still, from the intellectual’s financial gain prospective, Kem Ley’s preferred life policy is being paid out with influxes of financial contributions to his family from all over the world, wherever Cambodians live.

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Hun Sen Gets It Ready

12vi16

“He [Hun Sen] started this dialogue a few years ago but he just didn't believe in it. It's not his style. Monologue is his style. And it was Sihanouk’s style, and Jayavarman VII’s style. Those guys don’t do dialogue.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

«សម័យ​នេះ​គេ​សប្បាយ​ណាស់។ កាល​ពី​សម័យ​ខ្ញុំ ទើប​វា​ពិបាក អាយុ ៨​ឆ្នាំ សង្គ្រាម​កើត​ឡើង ត្រូវ​បង្ខំ​ចិត្ត​ធ្វើ​ទាហាន របួស ៥​ដង ខូច​ភ្នែក​ម្តង។ ត្រង់​ហ្នឹង​ហើយ​ដែល​ខ្ញុំ​មិន​បណ្តោយ​ឲ្យ​ជន​ណា​ក៏ដោយ ទោះ​បី​អាសិរពិស​ប៉ុនណា​ក៏ដោយ បំផ្លាញ​នូវ​សន្តិភាព​ដែល​យើង​រក​បាន​ទាំង​លំបាក។ អត់​អនុញ្ញាត​ទេ។ តម្លៃ​ណា​ក៏ដោយ​ដែល​ត្រូវ​បង់ គឺ​បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការពារ​សន្តិភាព បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការ​អភិវឌ្ឍ បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការ​រីក​ចម្រើន​នៃ​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​កម្ពុជា គ្រប់ៗ​រូប»។

លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ៧ ខែ​មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី 

“អ្នកឯងចង់ទៅដេកកន្លែង៤ម៉ែត្រ៤ជ្រុង ទៅដេកទៅ។ គ្មានអាណាគេថាអី។”

លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ៧ ខែ​មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ ខេមបូឌា ដេលី

“Just use violence, get people scared, and that’s what Hun Sen has done. But I think he’s scary… I’m never going to say on your program or anywhere else that Hun Sen should be overthrown by force, but he is not going to be overthrown any other way.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

“We can call it a hotel or detention centre. The prisoners and the families who have money, they can [pay] rent and stay there.”

Deputy Prime Minister & Interior Minister Sar Kheng, 29 March 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“We can rent [luxury facilities] to those who have money… They [the criminals] are used to living in good conditions and they may want to continue living in good conditions. So they have that option.”

Spokesman for the Interior Ministry’s General Department of Prisons, Nuth Savna, 29 March 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

Premier Hun Sen has three major options to deal with the current challenge to his power: talking with his opponents, keeping Kem Sokha holed up, and storming the CNRP headquarters to arrest the man.

The talk option sounds sublime, though both do not even agree if there is a crisis. Nevertheless, a successful talk may result in more family dinners and new glorified titles for all concerned. There are numerous would-be unpalatable compromises, bitter past experiences, and enormous egos that need constant massaging, keeping the culture of dialogue dormant. And Chandler is convinced that these “guys don’t do dialogue”.

Letting Kem Sokha coop up in the headquarters is not viable beyond short term. Though the premier says nobody cares about Kem Sokha being trapped there, he does – he would look powerless. Court cases and summons are being piled up, and all would become a joke unless Kem Sokha is forced to face the music. For a regime that takes so much pride in its own brand rule of law, such blatant resistance is intolerable. Hun Sen must choose soon what he respects – his rule of law, or Kem Sokha’s defiance; otherwise, even his supporters will see that he is indecisive and not as powerful as he wants them to think.

Hence, the storming choice becomes increasingly attractive. This will show Hun Sen’s raw power – that he is in control. There will be clashes that may prove bloody for those who honour their vow to stand between guns and Kem Sokha. Yet, Hun Sen says he will foot “any costs” to protect what he calls his hard-won peace and development from threats his opponents like Kem Sokha represent.

There are two possible outcomes from this option. If the armed forces can overcome Kem Sokha’s devout supporters, Kem Sokha will be thrown in jail. It may be a bit rough for him to move from what Hun Sen describes as a four-metre-by-four-metre space in the CNRP premises to an overcrowded cell of a penal system built for 8,500 inmates but actually accommodating over 17,500. It will not be his first time, though. He has been there, and still deciding it is worth his while to keep on challenging Hun Sen.

Nevertheless, if CNRP had Plan B that would invoke people’s power minus non-violence, Chandler’s claim that only force can overthrow Hun Sen would be tested. Sometimes only the language of violence will make violent people like the premier understand the audacity of those who have nothing to lose.

Hun Sen is jumpy; he must feel an aura of the people’s power. Suspicions rule his actions when he has even the smallest meetings broken up to ease his mind. As an insurance policy he has approved a new prison that offers hotel facilities equipped with air-conditioning and presumably, gourmet menus, the construction of which begins this month. If the people’s power overwhelms his armed forces, Hun Sen will then have somewhere to live a life that he is accustomed to without drastic adjustments.

Ung Bun Ang

12vi16

By The Way

According to CPP spokesman Sok Eysan, Ban Ki-moon “governs” more than 200 countries. Does he really? The UN secretary-general plays many roles, but governing member states is definitely not one of them. At the last count, the number of the UN member states is 193, not over 200. He should take some time to verify facts, in lieu of flying on the seat of his pants, before opening his mouth.

Does Ban Ki-moon base his concern for the widespread intimidations and harassments in Cambodia on factual errors like Sok Eysan in his rebuke? Is Ban Ki-moon so bewildered by the bombings and killings in the Middle East that he loses his sense of reality in Cambodia? 

«រាល់​បញ្ហា​ដែល​កើត​ឡើង​រហូត​ដល់​អ្នក​ខ្លះ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ អ្នក​ខ្លះ​ជាប់​ឃុំ ហើយ​នៅ​ក្នុង​នីតិវិធី​តុលាការ​នេះ គឺ​អាស្រ័យ​ទៅ​ដោយ​បុគ្គល​ទាំងអស់​នោះ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​ល្មើស​ច្បាប់។ អ៊ីចឹង​ខ្ញុំ​យល់​ថា អាច​ឯកឧត្តម បាន គីមូន ត្រួតត្រា​ប្រទេស​ជាង ២០០​ប្រទេស។ ដូច្នេះ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ចន្លោះ​ប្រហោង​ខ្លះ ឬ​មួយ​មមាញឹក​ទៅ​រឿង​មជ្ឈិមបូព៌ា​កំពុង​តែ​ទម្លាក់​គ្រាប់ កាប់​សម្លាប់​គ្នា​ហុយ​ផ្សេង​ [sic]នោះ ក៏​មិន​ដឹង ​បាន​ជា​មើល​ឃើញ​សភាពការណ៍​កម្ពុជា អាច​យល់​ច្រឡំ​យ៉ាង​ដូច្នេះ ។»

អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា លោក សុខ ឥសាន ថ្ងៃទី៩ មិថុនា ២០១៦  វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី  

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Hun Sen's Correlation Quandary

“There were four white days, meaning there were no people dying for four days… This has never happened and it’s because we have strictly enforced the Traffic Law.”

Deputy Premier and Interior Minister Sar Kheng, 27 May 2017, The Phnom Penh Post

“In fact, academics and government researchers have written numerous papers that attempt to explain the relationship between corruption and traffic accidents. Their conclusions aren’t uniform, but together they present a compelling case that there is a real connection between the two.”

Quartz reporter, Christopher Groskopf, Quarts, 23 April 2016

“I also get treatment in Cambodia from Cambodian doctors. However, Cambodian doctors recommended that I get my medical checkup abroad in order to identify some types of diseases that we do not have equipment for… Just because I have a medical checkup in Singapore, it does not mean that I do not have trust in Cambodian doctors.”

Premier Hun Sen, 19 January 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“Samdech Kralahom [Kheng] contributes 4,000 riel [sic] [about $1] per day to nearly 3,500 traffic police. Samdech uses his own money to pay for the expense... I don’t know when it [the daily bonus] will end.”

Director of the public order department at the Ministry of Interior Run Roth Veasna, 29 February 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

Sar Kheng gets excited with his success in achieving four days of no traffic deaths, for which he coins a new term, “white day”. By choosing the colour code, it is uncertain if Sar Kheng hints a leadership challenge to Hun Sen, who has been so agitated by the colour bogey.

However, the accolade lasts only a few hours. A road collision in Svay Rieng kills two and sends seventy-five passengers to hospitals with some serious injuries, turning his white days into “black”. He must feel gutted, while Hun Sen might be delighted for overcoming another colour.

Sar Kheng may not know that researches show links among traffic death, income per capita, and rule of law. One of those studies indicates the traffic death will keep going north until the income per capita hits $10,000 before declining. Hence, the current income of $1,000 will have to rise tenfold before the death number drops. Given that it has taken Hun Sen more than three decades from Year Zero to reach the current level, it will likely take almost forever to reach the $10,000 mark.

Anyhow, that should not deter Hun Sen from trying to increase the average income.

One way to do this is to reduce the number of the poor. Traffic deaths can somewhat contribute to this drive. The number of deaths in 2015 is 2,265 with an annual increase of 7.8%, most of whom are arguably poor.

An inferior public health service is another way to reduce the poor’s number. The local healthcare is so mediocre that Hun Sen favours overseas services even for regular general check-ups. His local doctors who may either doubt their own capability or just simply cover their hide recently send him to Singapore where his doctor there prescribes “more golf”. Hun Sen lies when he implies he trusts domestic doctors. The local health system will remain tawdry until the premier puts his health and life solely on it. Otherwise, the local healthcare will continue to shorten the poor’s life expectancy, or keep them sick.

A more effective measure to raise the income per capita is to disregard rule of law, giving corruption a carte blanche. For instance, Sar Kheng, whose legitimate monthly income is about $2,500, could hardly explain how he affords to pay 3,500 traffic police officers daily bonuses that totals to approximately $532,000 from 1 January to end of May, unless his generosity has ended earlier. Sar Kheng is not alone, however, considering wealth and extravagence flaunted by his cohort.

Thus, here is the Hun Sen’s correlation quandary. A lower traffic death ties in with a higher income which in turn goes well with lawlessness; and this lawlessness is exactly what leads to a higher traffic fatality. Hun Sen’s win-win does not work in a circular link.

Therefore, he will continue with the current option: more money for him and his personal interest groups, no rule of law, and the poor whose lives are treated with such contempt anyway must remain dispensable.

Ung Bun Ang

4vi16

By The Way

Hun Manith is correct: his father has no pepper spray, no big horses, and no fancy body armour. There is no need for any of those stuff – he has bullets. Dead protesters cannot think once, let alone twice.

“I don’t think we can afford the pepper spray like the rich countries when tackling a protest. We don’t have big horses to deter the protester. We don’t have fancy body armor like they [US] do to make the protester think twice before deciding to continue longer.”

Director of the Defence Ministry’s military intelligence unit Gen Hun Manith, 2 June 2016, The Khmer Times

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Dear Prof Chandler

“Politics is not fortune telling where fate is seen as a static situation at one point of time in the future that is pre-determined and cannot be changed whatever you do or try to do before that happens.”

CNRP president Sam Rainsy, 18 May 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“Cambodians have always thought their country is more important than it is. They have every right to do that, but they just have to look and see how many people they’ve got, where they stand, what natural resources they have and so on. They’re just not a power to be reckoned with.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

“Don't get involve [sic] with confrontational politics… Unless you’re somebody like Mu Sochua - she’s got American husband and I think that saves her in a way. She's very brave, she's courageous, but most people don't have that kind of backing. You know, putting her in jail with her American husband is just not a good thing to do, and she's brave. But I don’t think people are going to be brave by themselves.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

“But I think the Vietnamese – who are not given much credit at all by any Cambodians for this – stopped the Khmer Rouge. … They [Vietnamese] fought them [the Khmer Rouge] on the Thai border. They lost several thousand people… this is extraordinary.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

“I mean his son [expected to succeed Hun Sen] would have to start making deals and arrangements now, to make sure that he is friends with people who are floating Hun Sen. That’s the Oknha, the various big business people, tycoons of various kinds, big interests, make sure that: When my father dies and I come in that you guys won’t object to this because your financial arrangements will not be bothered.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

Assuming the transcript of your recent VOA interview is accurate, your statements on Cambodia issues are fascinating. You may be fortune telling, but you have an unfair advantage: your critical thinking. You can reach the sum of 2 plus 2, while some others will have to wait and pray for an outcome that is different from 4.

They are banking on their hope that international movers and shakers will intervene for their interest or what they say is Cambodia’s interest. They believe foreign powers owe Cambodia a proper democracy and human rights.

You are right that Cambodians think their country is more important than it is. They have yet to realise foreigners fundamentally act to serve their own interests, not Cambodia’s or anyone else’s. Currently, these foreigners are focussing on commercial and/or geopolitical exploitations, and dancing to the tune of whoever in power.

It is perplexing, nevertheless, that your viewpoints seem inconsistent. After downgrading the effectiveness of the international community role in Cambodia issues, you go on to claim that Mu Sochua’s American husband saves her, despite your deep admiration for her courage. An implication is that Cambodian brave souls can get involved in confrontational politics, against your advice, as long as they manage to secure an American spouse. Unless you mean a Caucasian spouse – not just any American – the suggestion will fall flat, as a number of American-Cambodians arbitrarily thrown into Hun Sen’s jail is growing.

Anyhow, it is rather interesting that you claim Vietnam is not given “much credit at all by any Cambodians” for their sacrifice of several thousands of their people’s lives to topple Pol Pot. This is a gross understatement of the Cambodian capacity for gratitude and generosity.

At least, Hun Sen, who represents half of the voting population, has bent over backward to pay his debt of gratitude in the past three decades. You may know the Vietnamese armed forces own the telecommunication cable grid throughout Cambodia, and control at least 40,000 hectares of economic land concessions conveniently located next to the common border in addition to many rubber plantations. There have been free influxes of Vietnamese migrants into Cambodia, and in exchange, outflows of wood and rice paddy to Vietnam. The list of gratitude and generosity goes on…

Vietnam should be elated with the list that the other half of voters brand as the list of dangerous way-over-the-top tributes. They may indeed expect more for their sacrifices to install their protégé Hun Sen in power and keep him there. You do; and you won’t be disappointed as Hun Sen promises an eternal gratitude.

Vietnam has done so well that these benefits will continue even after Hun Sen. Those Oknhas, tycoons, and big interests that you claim a successor must seek their blessings are just beneficiaries, not benefactors, of the regime that Hanoi has its finger on the pulse. They are not the power base – Hanoi is. Hence, Vietnam’s stamp of approval is mandatory to avoid another Pen-Sovann doom.

Otherwise, your interview is commendable.

Ung Bun Ang

28v16

Partian Shot

If Hun Sen is right that he is not responsible for the 1997 coup, then the Vietnamese army must be because it is the only forces that can so decisively demolish the Funcinpec troops. It is indeed another episode of sacrifice that goes straight into Hun Sen’s book of debt of gratitude.

“Somebody asked him [Hun Sen] – this is long ago – in ’97 – they said, ‘Were you responsible for the coup?’… he said, ‘If I’d been responsible, they’d all be dead.’ That’s what he said. ‘They’d all be dead. There would be no surviving Funcinpec.’”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

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Hun Sen Implies He Is Not

“​ហ៊ុនម៉ាណែតហៅខ្ញុំពូពីរខែ។​ ខ្ញុំចូលទៅជិតម្ដាយវា វាអត់ឲ្យចូលជិតទេ។ ទាល់តែដេកលក់ បានយើងមានលទ្ធភាព។​”

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន​ ថ្ងៃទី១២ ឧសភា ២០១៦ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

“Mr. Hun Sen said Lt. Gen. Manet suggested that the premier should dare the CNRP to place a bet on a DNA test: If Lt. Gen. Manet was his biological son, the CNRP would have to quit politics, while the ruling CPP would have to quit if the DNA test did not match.”

Cambodia Daily reporter Kuch Naren, 13 May 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“He (Sam Rainsy) wants to seem against the Vietnamese, but in fact his mother is Vietnamese. We have no mothers who are Vietnamese....”

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan, 14 April 14, The Cambodia Daily

The rumour about who a real father of the premier’s son Hun Manet is has been floating in cyber wilderness for years with a limited traction confined to a small fervid group. However, Hun Sen, who has lately unleashed so much of his wrath onto oppositions, breathes life into the dog in coma. Now the rumour becomes headlines; and Hun Sen inadvertently implies he is not the biological father.

According to the premier, Hun Manet for two months addressed him as “Uncle” and prevented him from coming close to his mother. He says only when Manet was asleep that “it” would be possible. While the “it” is clear, timing of the alienation is not.

When was it? Was it after Manet’s return from his recent North America trip in which he received some hostile receptions and brought the rumour back with him? Unlikely. It would be too immature of anyone to behave in such a childish manner.

Then it must have been when he was quite young – yet old enough to give Hun Sen the cold shoulder for two months. Was it possible that the child was only protecting his mother from a man he treated as a stranger? Hun Sen might have been too busy with state affairs at the time that his son would take two months to accept him as the father.

Now Hun Manet, whom the premier says is the most patient kid among his siblings, must be frustrated with the rumour. He makes two suggestions to the premier so that the matter can be once and for all settled – a DNA testing and a wager on the outcome with the opposition party. This would prove who is who, and a party that loses the wager would leave politics. He must believe the premier is his biological father to entertain such challenges. Hun Sen rejects both, however.

The rejection bears a significant implication. Contrary to Manet’s belief, Hun Sen must know Manet’s father is not him. Otherwise, he would accept the test and the bet, and win – nothing sweeter than removing one’s recalcitrant opponents in a bet that one knows the outcome beforehand. To pass up such an opportunity means Hun Sen knows he would lose.

So why does Hun Sen after all these years pull the rumour trigger, shooting himself in the foot? One possible answer is that his burning desire to show off his awesome power is getting the better of him. This rumour gives him another excuse to pound all his opponents, ignoring any ramifications. Perhaps, in the next reckless outburst he may be driven to blurt out the identity of the biological father. He may not know who, though.

The irony is that if Phay Siphan were right about Sam Rainsy being born to a Vietnamese mother, and if the rumour were right that Manet’s biological father were Vietnamese, then the next Cambodia premier would be a Vietnamese descendant.

Meanwhile, Hun Sen may or may not regret discussing Manet’s suggestions in public.

Ung Bun Ang

16v16

Parthian Shot

A revised news report to comply with the Royal Government of Cambodia’s demand that titles of all dignitaries be included in the text reads:

Land of Samdech Wonders, January 2016

In a preparation for an impending visit by Princess Somdech Phra Debaratanarajasuda Chao Fa Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Rathasimagunakornpiyajat Sayamboromrajakumari of Thailand in February 2016, there is a meeting of the Extraordinary Royal Working Committee at the Preah Barum Reachea Veang Chaktomuk Serei Mongkol in Phnom Penh, chaired by Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia.

In company of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, noble participants are Samdech Kittek Proeut Bandit Bun Rany Hun Sen President of Cambodia Red Cross, wife of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister; Preah Karuna Preah Bat Samdach Preah Bâromneath Norodom Sihamoni Preah Mohaksat Nai Preah Reacheanachak Kampuchea; Samdech Chavea Veang Kong Sam Ol Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Royal Palace, Samdech Vibol Sena Pheak Kdei Say Chhum Senate President; Samdech Akkek Moha Ponhea Chakrei Heng Samrin National Assembly President; and Samdech Krala Houm Sar Kheng Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior.

The Extraordinary Royal Working Committee discusses the most contentious issue: the royal toilet facility for Princess Somdech Phra Debaratanarajasuda Chao Fa Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Rathasimagunakornpiyajat Sayamboromrajakumariin, who is scheduled to stay a few hours at Lake Yeak Laom, Rattanakiri.

Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister states at the royal meeting:

“I, Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, am aware that the Preah Barum Reachea Veang Chaktomuk Serei Mongkol has no cash to supply the royal toilet for Princess Somdech Phra Debaratanarajasuda Chao Fa Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Rathasimagunakornpiyajat Sayamboromrajakumari in Yeak Laom, which costs about $40,000.

I am not surprised that there has been a few month delay in receiving the payment from His Excellency Minister for Economy and Finance, and that the Royal Place these days operates on payday loans from Samdech Chavea Veang Kong Sam Ol Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Royal Palace. I just ask Samdech Chavea Veang Kong Sam Ol Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Royal Palace to keep his interest charge in line with micro finance rates of not less than 2.5% per month. Of course, my Royal Government of Cambodia can do anything but does not want to pay less than what farmer borrowers pay to the micro finance. Fair is fair.

If funding is still in doubt, maybe Samdech Kittek Proeut Bandit Bun Rany Hun Sen President of Cambodia Red Cross, wife of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, can use the Red Cross fund to subsidise the expenses. After all, under the radiant leadership of Samdech Kittek Proeut Bandit Bun Rany Hun Sen President of Cambodia Red Cross, wife of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, the Red Cross raises about $13 million a year from a small number of generous benefactor Oknhas whose businesses have greatly prospered under the brilliant leadership of me, Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia.

Besides, the Red Cross can take this royal toilet provision as a mercy dash to help relieve Princess Somdech Phra Debaratanarajasuda Chao Fa Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Rathasimagunakornpiyajat Sayamboromrajakumari from any toilet break emergency during Her Royal Highness stay of only a few hours. It is important to show the world that even in remote regions, under my auspicious leadership there are five-star toilets for any wants.

Here is an excellent idea. Samdech Kittek Proeut Bandit Bun Rany Hun Sen President of Cambodia Red Cross, wife of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, can afterward relocate the $40,000 toilet to an eligible residence near Vimean Ekrareach to avoid any criticism of extravaganza.

Finally, I am sure Samdech Kittek Proeut Bandit Bun Rany Hun Sen President of Cambodia Red Cross, wife of Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister, Preah Karuna Preah Bat Samdach Preah Bâromneath Norodom Sihamoni Preah Mohaksat Nai Preah Reacheanachak Kampuchea, Samdech Chavea Veang Kong Sam Ol Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Royal Palace, Samdech Vibol Sena Pheak Kdei Say Chhum Senate President, Samdech Akkek Moha Ponhea Chakrei Heng Samrin National Assembly President, and Samdech Krala Houm Sar Kheng Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior, have enjoyed the discussion as much as I have.”

As there is no other matter, I, Samdech Akkek Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia, chairing this meeting of Extraordinary Royal Working Committee at the Preah Barum Reachea Veang Chaktomuk Serei Mongkol in Phnom Penh, now close the meeting.”

So the meeting is closed.

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Hun Sen Confirms CNRP lie

«​បងប្អូន​នៅ​ក្រៅ​ប្រទេស​ល្មម​ឈប់​ចាញ់​បោក​គេ​ទៅ ​បើ​​ប្រើ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​របស់​អាមេរិក​ ចាំ​ពិចារណា ​ប៉ុន្តែ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​សមាមាត្រ​នៅ​តាម​ខេត្ត​​ដូច​នៅ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា ​បងប្អូន​មិន​​អាច​ [បោះឆ្នោត] ទេ ​បើ​បោះ ​តើ​បងប្អូន​នៅ​ក្រៅ​ប្រទេស​​ចុះ​ឈ្មោះ​នៅ​មណ្ឌល​ណា​បោះ​ឲ្យ​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​នៅក្នុង​​ខេត្ត​ណា? នេះ​វា​ជា​បញ្ហា​វា​ខុស​ពី​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជ្រើសរើស​ប្រធានាធិបតី​ដែល​គប្បី​ត្រូវ​ពិចារណា។ …ត្រឹម​បោះឆ្នោត​ពី​ម៉ោង​ ៧ ដល់​ម៉ោង​ ៣ ហើយ​បិទ​ប្រអប់​សន្លឹក​ឆ្នោត​ភ្លាម​ប៉ុណ្ណឹង ​គង់​គេ​ថា​យើង​បន្លំ​សន្លឹក​ឆ្នោត ​ចុះ​ទម្រាំ​បោះ​នៅ​អាមេរិក​មាន​រដ្ឋ​ខ្លះ​ម៉ោង​ខុស​គ្នា​ទៀត​។»

លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន ១៧ ខែ​កុម្ភៈ ២០១៦ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្ដិ

 

So Hun Sen alerts overseas Cambodians not to be cheated by his culture-of-dialogue partner CNRP. According to the premier, his partner tells Cambodians living and/or working overseas not to rely on the CPP because it says the CPP will not allow them to vote.

Ironically, Hun Sen goes on to explain why they cannot vote. He raises three major technical problems: the proportional voting system, non-existent electorates for overseas voters, and different time zones. It is puzzling that Hun Sen effectively endorses his partner’s claim that the overseas Cambodians will not vote under the CPP rule, while denigrating his own party’s effort to appeal to Cambodians overseas for support.

Nevertheless, he does not have to confirm the CNRP claim. After all, Hun Sen, whose wishes are others’ commands, can let the overseas Cambodians vote. First, Hun Sen has the laws on his side. Article 34 of the Constitution says all Cambodians have the right to vote and to stand as candidate for elections, and overseas Cambodians are recognised under Article 33. The law on election of the National Assembly members conforms to the Constitution; it does not prohibit Cambodians overseas from voting.

Second, Hun Sen has a large pool of PhD advisers and foot soldiers who can solve those election problems, which are not unique to Cambodia; it is not a rocket science. In fact, the current proportional election system is basically the same one the UN applied in the 1993 election, in which overseas Cambodians voted. The UN election process also sorted out the problems of different time zones and the absence of electorates for the overseas votes. If the Cambodian PhDs were not as smart, they could at least replicate what the UN did. Besides the UN, the rest of the world has overcome these technical challenges; why can’t Cambodia?

Third, Hun Sen can have some confidence in his footwork soldiers who travel and are stationed around the globe to galvanise overseas support for the CPP. His sons lead delegations travelling abroad selling CPP good news. His ambassadors are instructed to work overtime to court overseas Cambodians. His overzealous ambassador to South Korea stops at nothing to bring into the CPP line Cambodian migrant workers there, forcing South Korean authorities to step in twice to deny his blatant claim of their involvement.

Last but not least, Hun Sen can indeed count on his Facebook “likes”, the number of which is about to hit the three million mark, leaving his culture-of-dialogue partner for dead in their cyber race. An educated guess would suggest a fair chunk of the likes come from overseas Cambodians, which would be converted into votes for Hun Sen.

Thus, it will be possible for Hun Sen to win the overseas votes. Otherwise, he confirms the opposition’s claim is true. It will be a huge letdown among his sons and the PhD foot soldiers who put so much effort into promoting the party; their good work will unceremoniously be discarded as the work of no consequence.

Ung Bun Ang

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Parthian Shot

One must be deaf as a post not to hear the alarm bell that ferociously rings from the top of the Ministry of Interior. How could Sar Kheng, whose legitimate income is only about $30,000 a year, afford this generosity that has cost him more than $200,000 since 1 January 2016 with no end in sight. Well, some pragmatic people would say he has his own police force to feed.

“Samdech Kralahom [Sar Kheng] contributes 4,000 riel [about $1] per day to nearly 3,500 traffic police. Samdech uses his own money to pay for the expense.”

Run Roth Veasna, the director of the public order department at the Ministry of Interior, 29 February, the Phnom Penh Post

Hun Sen Throws Commuters Under the Bus

“The law is made according to the actual situation of our country with consultations with both government institutions and civil society organisations and experts”.

National Police spokesman Kirt Chantharith, 11 January 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“Knowledge about the law, especially among rural people, is limited… And police officers are not sure how to respond to certain situations like overloaded vehicles.”

Capital police chief Chhoun Sovan, 5 January 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“I sent back a message to my younger sister to understand the issue. Although there are some problems [with the law], life is more important,” he said.

Premier Hun Sen, 6 January 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“There is no need to learn how to drive a motorbike [125cc or less] since driving a motorbike is not difficult.”

Premier Hun Sen, 7 January 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“They [garment workers who were killed in traffic accidents on their way to and from factories] should have advised the drivers on how to drive. They should have advised them because they were the ones on the truck, and placed their lives in the hands of the drivers.”

NSSF deputy director Sum Sophorn, 5 February 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“If they [garment workers] don’t care about their own lives, then who’s going to care for them?”

Secretary-general Ken Loo, Garment Manufacturers Association, 5 February 2016, The Cambodia Daily

Stepping into 2016, Cambodian commuters may or may not be aware that they are facing a better chance of getting killed on the road. Within the first 20 days of the new year, the number of traffic deaths reaches 131, which is 25% more than that in 2015 corresponding period.

In fact, the better chance of getting killed has been on the increase since 2007. Traffic accidents in 2007 claim 1,545 lives; the number jumps to 2,265 in 2015. This means the annual increase is averaged at 4.9% per year. However, the rate is much higher at 7.8% between 2013 and 2015. The government’s 2011-2020 national road safety action plan predicts that, without any intervention, the road toll will hit 3,200 by 2020.

Naturally, the government comes up with an intervention plan. A new traffic law is promulgated in January 2015. The police is certain that the law is well-formulated to best suit the circumstances with all necessary consultations, which means no changes are expected at least in the short run. It is also reasonable that the law would not be implemented until a year later so that the public can be better educated and prepared for the new traffic rules.

As it turns out a year later, a few are ready for the new rules. According to the capital police chief, many including police officers are not certain about them. Even the minister for information claims that drivers for top government officials do not know much about the new rules, and that they need a crash course. It seems the government fails the nation by not doing their job in educating the public and their employees about them.

Anyhow, amid confusion and frustration arising from the not-so-well-prepared implementation of the new rules, Hun Sen steps in and instigates some changes in impromtu responses to complaints from some of his Facebook fans.

Hun Sen steamrolls the new traffic rules with some interesting newly-found wisdom. He says that life is more important than some of the problems with the new traffic regulations; yet, he fails to understand that his cancellation of the license requirements for riding motorcycles of 125cc power or less will make the roads more deadly.

He may be right that it is easy to learn how to ride a not-so-powerful motorbike. But he is certainly confused between knowing how to ride and knowing traffic rules. An accomplished rider/driver will need both. He simply cannot see the link between accidents and ignorance of traffic rules. Up to 2014, a total of 2,780,735 vehicles are registered in Cambodia, of which 2,353,051 (84.6%) are motorbikes. As the less powerful motorcycles make up a large chunks of it and the 73% of road deaths are motorcycle riders, riders could look forward to a higher percentage of death from accidents.

However, the consolation is that it does not really matter how bad the traffic rules are, or how poorly they are implemented, victims can always be blamed for not caring for their lives.

Ung Bun Ang

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Parthian Shot

Sar Kheng sounds tough and serious on enforcing the traffic law onto his generals. But he is really soft when it comes to his son’s needs. For the son’s wedding, he closes a few streets for a few days, which is against the law; he says he knows the public will understand, will they?

“Now is the time we have to enforce the law and not care if someone is big or small. Oh! I am a general and I’m driving a car without respect for the law. [We] altogether cannot do like this under the law. If there was any minister doing wrong and traffic police fine them, I will give them one stripe.”

Interior Minister Sar Kheng, 16 December 2015, The Cambodia Daily