Michelle Obama Gets on Hun Sen’s Nerve

“And foundation for those values [equality, inclusiveness, fairness, and openness] is actually the focus of all your work here in Cambodia, and that’s education. When girls get educated, when they learn to read and write and think, that gives them the tools to speak up and to talk about injustice and demand equal treatment. It helps them participate in the political life of their country and hold their leaders accountable, call for change when their need and aspirations aren’t met. I’ve seen this process first hand back home in America. You probably watch what we go through, right? It’s not always easy for a government to meet the needs of its people. My husband certainly gets his share of criticism and disagreement, but we wouldn’t have it any other way – not in America, because voices and opinions of our people of our country, both men and women, from every background, from every walk of life, that’s what makes America strong and vibrant.”

US first lady Michelle Obama, 21 March 2015, Whitehouse Website

“I cannot afford to live on a teacher’s wage. If I did not also work as a moto driver, my family would not survive; there would not be enough money for us to eat.”

Kampong Chhnang High School math teacher Doung Socheattra, 6 October 2014, The Phnom Penh Post

“The content of these two laws [National Election Committee and Elections] has been critically and fully discussed, so the National Assembly today does not need to raise this or that point for debating anymore, as the working groups have done the in-depth work. So today is just a day for congratulations that the result [of last year’s political deal] is coming into shape [through] the two proposed laws.”

National Assembly minority leader Sam Rainsy, 20 March 2015, The Cambodia Daily

If Michelle Obama were Cambodian, she could be arrested, charged, and thrown in jail for making the above statement, which Hun Sen would say leads to a revolution. She utters the words that are fundamentally powerful, and do not bode well with any nervous autocrat protected by armed forces and tycoons.

She promotes education for some certain values – equality, inclusiveness, fairness, and openness – all of which Hun Sen has ignored, if not despised. To make up for the lack of quality education, there has been in the last two decades an abundance of lip-services for the sector he says is one of his top priorities. Teachers who are the most important pillar of any decent education system are on starving wages, and must rely on other jobs to make ends meet. Almost three quarters of investors say Cambodian university graduates fail to meet their needs; 65% of them think vocational training graduates do not match their skill requirements. And Hun Sen expects the hundreds of thousands of workers whom he sends to labour abroad to bring home what he calls “technological knowhow”.

Michelle Obama encourages political participation, which contradicts Hun Sen’s mantra of leaving politics to the leaders. She asks Cambodians to get themselves educated, to speak up, and to hold their leaders accountable, when their needs and aspiration are not met. Hun Sen, on the other hand, stimulates a laissez-faire system where everyone is on their own. They must find their own connections to materialise their wants and greed.

Those voices and opinions from all quarters that Michelle Obama says make America strong and vibrant may annoy Hun Sen and his personal interest groups, and make them nervous. They could do without a strong and vibrant Cambodia. They have their brand of peace and stability, for which their top Hitler’s disciple is prepared to shoot dead those they say trouble makers; and their court is ready to lock them up.

The leaders treat their herds, particularly members of the legislatures, like children; they are only to be seen, not heard. All attending legislators raise their hand in unison to pass the two controversial laws as soon as they are read out. Their leaders tell them it is time to pat each other’s back for the job well-done, not debating. And they would hit the roof if the Constitutional Council or the King raised any question. Anyhow, it is uncertain how many intelligent souls are cowed into silence, or how many are as content as lap dogs.

Therefore, it is unlikely that the Cambodian leaders could appreciate the US first lady’s visit to Siem Reap, let alone the values she advocates. As she is not Cambodian, Hun Sen could do little beyond whining about some misunderstanding that requires someone to foot university scholarships of $1,500 per year for each of the ten high school students Michelle Obama selects for her “Let Girls Learn” program in Cambodia.

She would not have it in any other way, but the Cambodian leaders would.

Ung Bun Ang

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Parthian Shot

Besides the slang the CPP premier uses to vent his annoyance that the US is not paying for the ten scholarships, it is not clear from the following quote who is paying for them – Hun Sen, his wife, or the State? Then again, they may be the three musketeers who are “all for one and one for all”.

Anyhow, what is the big deal? The four year scholarships for the ten cost only $60,000, which is unlikely to send any of them broke. The premier and his wife are loaded; the State is reported to collect more tax revenue; and the economy is expected to do better than 7% p.a. for this year and the next. Or, is it just another screw-up of their top priority?

“សុំផ្តាំទៅលោកជំទាវមីស្សែលអូបាម៉ាផង ជំទាវប៊ុនរានីហ៊ុនសែនដោះស្រាយហើយ។ អញ្ចឹង គាត់ បានមកត្រឹមរើសមនុស្ស ដល់បោះមកឲ្យក្រសួងអប់រំដដែល អញ្ចឹងមានរឿងអី? អត់ទេ យុទ្ធនាការ គាត់ល្អ ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំសុំឲ្យមតិ  សុំឲ្យអាមេរិកជួយចប់ចុងចប់ដើម កុំលេងអាធុនហ្នឹង ងាប់ហើយ។ អញ្ចឹង ដើរបំផើមចោល នែ អារឿងដើរបំផើមចោល​ អាហ្នឹងមិនស្រួលទេណា។ ស្រាប់តែលេងគាត់ដើរ រើសទៅ លេង៣០០នាក់ វាមិនងាប់ហើយ ខ្ញុំមានលុយឯណាឲ្យ?។ ខ្ញុំសុំទទួលមួយវគ្គហ្នឹងទៅ ហើយធើការជាមួយអាភីសគ័រ [Peace Corps] អី យូអេសអេអាយឌី [USAID]។ សុំឲ្យគាត់ថា បើគាត់រើស កុំលេងរបៀបហ្នឹង អាលេងរបៀបហ្នឹង ខ្ញុំទើបតែរកឃើញ ប្រហែលជាលោកជំទាវ បារ៉ាក់អូបាម៉ា ក្តាប់មិនជាប់ផងទេណា។  ធ្វើសារទៅឲ្យទូតអាមេរិក មើលអាហ្នឹងមែនទែន យូអេសអេអាយឌី កុំលេងធុនអាហ្នឹងណា។”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន​ ​ ថ្ងៃទី​២៥​ មិនា​ ២០១៥ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

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NEC Firmly in Hun Sen’s Grip

 
“ខ្ញុំអាចនិយាយថា ខ្ញុំសុំទោសបងប្អូនដែលខ្ញុំមិនអាចដឹកនាំការផ្លាស់ប្តូរនេះបាន១០០ភាគរយ។ ក្នុងនាមខ្ញុំ ជាអ្នកនយោបាយ ក្នុងនាមខ្ញុំជាអ្នកដឹកនាំ ខ្ញុំហ៊ានសារភាពចំពោះមុខបងប្អូនប្រជារាស្ត្រ ហើយបងប្អូន ជនរួមជាតិដែលចិត្តចង់ដូរនោះ គឺយើងខ្ញុំក៏ចង់ដូរដូចគ្នាដែរ គ្រាន់តែ... ប៉ុន្តែយើងខ្ញុំមិនអាចធ្វើបាន ទាំងអស់ទេ ហើយខ្ញុំក៏សូមអំពាវនាវ ក្រែងលោមានអ្នកណាអាចធ្វើបាន សុំអញ្ជើញ ពីព្រោះយើងខ្ញុំតស៊ូយូរ ហើយ ហើយដំណាក់ការនេះ ទោះបីយើងដូរមិនបានទាំងអស់ក៏ដោយ គឺយើងដូរបានខ្លះ យើងដូរបានខ្លះ។”
 

លោក កឹម​សុខា  អនុប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ស​ង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ    ថ្ងៃ១៦​ មិនា​ ២០១៥    វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

 
 
“In this proposed law, at least we have new [National Election Committee] members; before, NEC members were from only one party. We have a new voter registration system, for which all voters need IDs.” 
 

CNRP MP Eng Chhay Eang, 18 March 2015, The Phnom Penh Post

 
 
“Another thing that is very different from the old one is the matter of the voter list. This is a very important point. I want to stress to this workshop’s audience that we are making new voter lists with clear identity markers like fingerprints and photographs.”
 

CNRP spokesman MP Yem Ponhearith, 10 March 2015, The Cambodia Daily

 
 
 
Indeed, Kem Sokha is courageous to apologise for not being able to effect changes he and his supporters want. But does he have enough courage to relinquish his vice-presidency of his party? Unlikely.
 
He somehow justifies the failure by saying they have achieved something, though not everything. Of course, some achievement is better than none. If he looks for sympathetic understanding and forgiveness for the half-full achievement, his appeal for others who he says think they are more capable to come forward may not be so sincere.
 
Anyhow, the main issue is this: are the CNRP achievements worthwhile? There are two main ones the party has bragged about: a new NEC and voters list.
 
The new nine-member NEC may be new and party-appointed plus one “bipartisan member”, but the more interesting aspect is: who will control it? If bipartisan member Pung Chhiv Kek refuses the position as her conditions for accepting it are dead and cremated, the two parties will look for a replacement. Unless there is another one of Kek’s calibre, one of the parties has to give. Can it be CNRP – perhaps within the spirit of culture of dialogue and national reconciliation? Maybe. Maybe not.
 
But Hun Sen can; because he does not really need to have the bipartisan member on his side. The new NEC law allows a premier to govern the whole operation of the NEC. The premier will be empowered to issue sub-decrees to appoint the NEC secretary-general and their deputy, which currently is the prerogative of the NEC. Of course, the CNRP prays that Hun Sen will act in the best interest of his adversaries, especially when it comes to the crunch.
 
For Hun Sen to keep the new NEC on a tight leash, the new law also stipulates all monetary donations to it must go first into the national revenue, no longer direct to the NEC coffer. Hun Sen will have the pleasure of fattening or starving the NEC, depending on where his interest lies. Once Hun Sen has the NEC secretariat and money under his belt, his control over the NEC is complete. Thus, it matters little who the bipartisan member, or even the NEC chairperson, is; he will call the shot.
 
The new voters list may be an improvement to the current one, as the CNRP claims. However, the interesting question remains: will Hun Sen, who has tried so hard after his 1993 election defeat to come up with the current list that serves him so well and that his opponents complained so bitterly about, allow a new one to improve to the extent that he would be thrown out of his comfort zone? Only die-hard optimists think so.
 
Then again, while Kem Sokha takes eight months to break silence and whine about the 22 July 2014 deal that his president touts as a historical turning point, how long will it take the CNRP to moan that it has effectively handed the new NEC to Hun Sen on a silver platter?   
 
 
Ung Bun Ang
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Parthian Shot

Here they are. The new laws are not meant to be perfect for others. But Eng Chhay Eang has yet to realise they are perfect for one party only.
 
 
“These two draft laws are not perfect for others [political parties] needs.”
 

CNRP spokesman MP Eng Chhay Eang, 18 March 2015, The Phnom Penh Post.

 
 
 
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Hun Sen Will Reign Until 90

“How can [someone] be the premier until 90? It never happens. My father was 90 when he died.”

Premier Hun Sen, 4 March 2015, The Phnom Penh Post

“When…[Hun Sen and Bun Rany] go anywhere, we [all members of the new working group] must go first to prepare the security there.”

Commander of the Prime Minister Bodyguard Unit (PMBU) General Hing Bun Heang, 6 March 2015, The Cambodia Daily

«ចាំ​មើល​កងទ័ព​យើង​យ៉ាង​ម៉េច? គ្រាន់បើ! អរគុណ! ស្មាន​តែ​ទុក​លោក​ឯង​អី តែ​លោក​ឯង​មិន​ធ្វើ​ មាន​អ្នក​ដទៃ​ទៀត​ធ្វើ​ហើយ កុំ​ឆ្ងល់​ពេក»។

​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី២៦​ កុម្ភ: ​២០១៥ ​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី

Never happens? Hun Sen may be right. But that does not stop him from taking measures to ensure he rules until 90.

First, he has just formed a working group of 14 of top military and police generals to oversee security for himself and his wife. It is the latest addition to the PMBU that consists of a few thousands of troops and that has been active for decades. There are so many stars in the new working group that their reflection of sunlight would blind even those with sunglasses. It is unclear why the presence of all these fourteen trusted lieutenants are required at all functions where Hun Sen and his wife attend; it seems either Hun Sen can only depend on a few, or his paranoia has reached a new height, or all of the above.

To ensure a long lasting reign, Hun Sen runs an army within an army. It is unclear that Hun Sen has much trust on the army, arguing it must protect his government in the face of threat – not from any external enemies – but from any hostile opposition within. He warns the armed forces that if they refuse his demand, there will be some special force presumably under the command of Hun Sen and Co taking care of the recalcitrant army. Many of the top commanders of the army and police are promoted into the CPP central committee, either as reward for their absolute loyalty and as an insurance policy for a continuing power certainty.

Second, his group of trusted lieutenants which includes a self-proclaimed Hitler disciple are prepared to act like a psychopath; they are ready to shoot dead unarmed civilians who they say are trouble makers. This is to ensure that the spirit of Cambodian people the Khmer Rouge broke some four decades ago will ever remain broken for the sake of peace and stability Hun Sen & Co requires.

Third, beyond the military power, Hun Sen also moves on political front. He has tamed the CNRP to the extent that the latter gives blessing to proposed changes to election laws that by and large will ensure he will have no chance of losing any future elections. With others, the restriction of the NGO participation in the election and all public servants including armed forces and court officials being free to campaign for the CPP, will keep Hun Sen in power while giving the CNRP what it calls “hope” of winning.

Still, even if Hun Sen did not want to rule until he turns 90, he might have no say in the matter. With his claimed legacies that have provided so much riches to his personal interest groups, the likelihood is that Hun Sen & Co will ensure he is breathing under any circumstances. He may have to be on life support until they decide for him that enough is enough, just like what he did to his own father whom he had kept on life support for about a year.

Ung Bun Ang

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Pseng-Pseng is published on the tenth, twentieth, and thirtieth day of every month. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com