Sunday 31 December 2017


Hun Sen’s Risky Challenges



កុំធើជាសត្វឆ្កែ គ្រាន់តែដើម្បីជាមួយនិងឆ្អឹងសាច់មួយដុំ វាមិនថ្លៃថ្នូរទេ។ ឧទាហរណ៍ បើមិនធើតាមអញ អញនឹងកាត់ផ្ដាច់នេះ កាត់ផ្ដាច់នោះ កាត់ទៅ។ លោកឯងជ្រើសរើសមនុស្សប៉ុន្មាននាក់ រឺជ្រើសរើសប្រជាជន១៥លាននាក់? លោកឯងជ្រើសរើសទំនាក់ទំនង ជាមួយបុគ្គលមួយក្រុម រឺ ក៏ហ្អែងជ្រើសរើសទំនាក់ទំនងរវាងប្រទេសនិងប្រទេស?

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី ១៧ ធ្នូ​  ២០១៧វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី


«ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអត់ខ្វល់ទេ ខ្វល់បំផុតរបស់គាត់ គឺអញមានបាយឲ្យកូនស៊ីឬអត់? តើអញមាន សម្លៀកបំពាក់ឲ្យកូនចៅគ្រប់គ្រាន់ឬអត់? អញមានមុងភួយគ្រប់គ្រាន់ឬអត់?»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី ២១ ធ្នូ​  ២០១៧   ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍​ 


«ពូចង់ឃើញប្រទេសនេះ អត្រានៃភាពក្រីក្រនៅទាបបំផុត ហើយប្រាក់ចំណូលពលរដ្ឋរបស់យើង មិនមែនគ្រាន់តែ១៥០០ដុល្លារសម្រាប់មនុស្សម្នាក់ដូចថ្ងៃនេះទេ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែពូចង់ឃើញថា នៅពេលដែលពូចាកចេញពីតំណែង ប្រាក់សម្រាប់ពលរដ្ឋម្នាក់ៗមិនតិចជាង៣០០០ដុល្លារសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។»

 

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី ២១ ធ្នូ​  ២០១៧   ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍​ 



Hun Sen sets up two interesting challenges for himself: goading the West into imposing sanctions on garment imports, and doubling the Cambodian average income before he retires.

Facing the potential trade sanctions, Hun Sen sounds proud when he tells Cambodian people not to be a dog that is satified with a meaty bone – there is no dignity in it, he says. He means the dog deserves much more, just like he and his minions who have been dogging truckloads of cash. Ironically, he also claims all the people need are sufficient food, clothes, mosquito nets, and blankets – just bare necessities, nothing more than the meaty bone.

However, an interesting question remains: can Hun Sen really manange any fallouts from the sanctions? He can, judging by the way he goads the West into implementing them. His dare makes some minions apprehensive; the Commerce Minister sombrely urges him to sweet-talk EU member states to avoid the bans. But his trump card is China, despite his rhetoric that foreigners keep out of his domestic affairs.

China may choose to pay for the Cambodian garment exports under sanctions. If the West merely removes the tariff-free status, a total cost will be about USD686 a year, which is peanuts relative to the Chinese GDP of USD11.2 trillion. If the exports are banned altogether, China can even buy the whole USD6.2 billion garment production, and dump it as land reclamation in Xisha island of the South China Sea.

Then, what can Hun Sen offer in return for the Chinese easy cash? There is no free lunch. The risk is that Cambodia may run out of what China wants. It has already controlled a vast territory in Cambodia’s north-eastern region for exploitations of local natural resources, and a large chunk of national economic activities. Then again, a shrewd Hun Sen may come up with something enticing.

A China deal will make Hun Sen’s second challenge less taxing. It may be just a matter of time for him to double the people’s average income before retiring. If he plans to retire in 10 years, the annual average rate of income increase would be about 7.2%, which is possible. If he hangs around for 25 years, the double income becomes inevitable with a relaxing rate of 2.8%.

However, if the santions are on and there is no China deal, consequences may be ugly. The people’s income will drop, impacting millions. Many will struggle to have even the bare-bones necessities Hun Sen recommends. Given an unprecendent and extensive pork-barrelling Hun Sen has recently been promising garment workers, he must know they could give him an authentic colour revolution – not a fabricated one he has used to persecute political opponents.

Still, as Hun Sen has proved he is prepared to get the country to pay any price for his victory, the likelihood is that he will somehow secure the China deal. Hence, it is not what Hun Sen can do for the country, but what Cambodian losers can do for him.


Ung Bun Ang
31xii17



By The Way

There seems to be a collaboration between Hun Sen and China to evade EU tariffs on Chinese exports of food additive citric acid to Europe. EU claims to have sufficient evidence to launch a rigorous investigation to determine if the Chinese exports goes to EU via Cambodia.

Hun Sen may do the same thing in the Cambodia’s garment exports to Europe. While Commerce Minister Pan Sorasak recognises only about 400,000 garment workers, employer association GMAC claims the total workforce is about 700,000. If both statements are correct, then the difference relfects the number of garment workers in China. Furthermore, a source in the Hun Sen inner-circle admits to a collaborative transshipment between China and Cambodia to export Chinese garment products to the EU.

This collaborative theft of the EU tariff and duties may just throw a spanner into the works. It may escalate the Hun Sen’s challenges from a low-risk to a high-risk one, unless China still sees the overall merits of taking on the EU sanction threats against the Cambodia garment exports.


“[EU investigation] takes place each time there is a suspicion that goods are transhipped from a country under anti-dumping measures (in this case China) through a third country (in this case Cambodia) in order to avoid the payment of the relevant duties… If the investigation finds that such transhipment [sic] is taking place, anti-dumping measures [in the form of] duties would be extended to cover these exports from Cambodia.”

EU ambassador to Cambodia George Edgar, 26 December 2017, The Phnom Penh Post




Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Friday 22 December 2017


2017 Annual Awards


 There is so much excitement in 2017 that award winners for this year should not be a surprise to anyone unless they have just woken up from a coma.


Law-Abiding Autocrat Award – Hun Sen

Persistent assertions by Hun Sen and his minions give an impression that Cambodia has the best rule of law on earth. Every move to persecute opponents is so legalistic that they may think spirit of the law is a liquor’s brand name. Hun Sen instigates specific laws to prosecute certain opponents; he redefines legal terms, like “in flagrante delicto” to mean an exact moment he wants someone arrested. Treason, incitement, terrorism, subversion, revolution, etc… becomes their words in vogue. To them, being “legal” is being “just”.


Panic-Driven Action Award - Hun Sen

This year is perhaps the most taxing year for Hun Sen, who has burnt his candle on both ends and the middle, highlighting an intense anxiety and fear of losing power.

Outcomes of a comprehensive public opinion research conducted for Hun Sen in 2016 by Shaviv Strategy & Campaigns indicate he would inevitably lose the 2018 elections. Voting intention for CNRP improves from 36% in May to 44% in September 2016 while CPP’s drops from 46% to 35%. Sixty-four percent believe legal processes against Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy are unfair. For their credibility, Shaviv claims, “Dr Thaksin will passionately endorse the quality and efficiency of my work…”

Hun Sen considers two main strategic responses to the expected loss: renege on power handover after the elections, or removal of CNRP from the election process. With a solid inroad the opposition makes in the 2017 commune elections, Hun Sen becomes hysterical; he opts for the second option. CNRP is now disbanded.

Yet, the premier trusts none outside his inner-circle. Despite his close generals’ repetitive assurance that their troops are always behind him, Hun Sen still questions their loyalty. He establishes a new military brigade of up to 10,000 troops that Defence spokesman Oum Socheat assures “will listen to the government’s orders”. He creates a new spy school to be controlled by his son Manith, who already heads the military’s intelligence department.


Thick Skin Award – Norodom Ranariddh, PhD

No award is more suitable for this holder of PhD in law who applauds Hun Sen for allocating to his party 44 parliamentary seats for, he says, “doing absolutely nothing”. His well-trained legal mind succumbs to the rule that Hun Sen laws always override justice and morality. It does not matter how these seats become vacant so long as he gets some. Ranariddh must be very thick-skinned to sit in parliament without getting elected. What other elected representatives may think of him and his unelectable cohorts is irrelevant. Then again, the other elected members who are so servile to Hun Sen’s rule may not be sensitive enough to feel any different in their parliamentary façade. Birds of a feather flock together.


Well, 2017 has almost gone; and some piles of cash are stashed away in foreign lands with a prayer that they will not be frozen for whatever reasons in the New Year. Keep praying.


Ung Bun Ang
22xii17



By The Way


« បើអ៊ីចឹង ដើម្បីបានជំនួយទាល់តែឱនក្បាល ថា បាទៗ អ៊ីចឹងហើយ ហើយជាតិមួយ ធ្វើអ៊ីចឹង តើយើងទៅរួចទេ? សុំទោស ខ្ញុំមិនអាចតំណាងជាតិសាសន៍មួយនេះ ធ្វើអ៊ីចឹងបានទេ ។ មិនថាបរទេសហ្នឹងជាប្រទេសណាទេ ខ្ញុំធ្វើមិនរួចដោយសារ តែ ខ្ញុំស្អប់ខ្ពើមនូវការឈ្លានពានរបស់បរទេស ដោយសារឪពុកម្តាយ ជីដូនជីតា ស្អប់ ខ្ពើមនូវការឈ្លានពានរបស់បរទេសបំពានលើឯករាជ្យអធិបតេយ្យភាពរបស់ កម្ពុជានោះហើយ បានជា ប្រទេសយើងត្រូវតស៊ូងើបឈរឡើង ដើម្បីឯករាជ្យ អធិបតេយ្យភាពរបស់ជាតិ ។»


នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី ១៨ ធ្នូ​  ២០១៧ The Phnom Penh Post (Khmer Edition)

What a music to one’s ears. Hun Sen does know how to hit the right notes. But who is he trying to kid, besides himself and the gullible? Others are incredulous.

For a person who seeks help from Vietnam to remain in power for decades and builds Vietnam-Cambodia Friendship monuments throughout Cambodia as a reminder of his eternal gratitude to the foreigner, he must be either lying, or have a death wish, or have a permission from Vietnam to sing the tune that the latter may be offended.

He says he is against foreign interference into Cambodia’s domestic affairs, yet he asks visiting Vietnam deputy minister for Defence Nguyen Chi Vinh for advice on how to fight a colour revolution, which is a domestic issue that has consumed him. He has indeed bowed to China for easy cash.


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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Monday 11 December 2017

  
Hun Sen’s Colour Revolution Illusion May Come True


“… the Secretary of State will restrict entry into the United States of those individuals involved in undermining democracy in Cambodia. In certain circumstances, family members of those individuals will also be subject to visa restrictions.”

US Department of State spokesperson Heather Nauert, Press Statement, 6 December 2017


“Banning visas will not make people in Cambodia die by having their children not [being allowed to] visit there. They can visit their parents [here] – there is no problem.”

CPP Spokesman Sok Eysan, 8 December 2017, The Phnom Penh Post


«យ៉ាង​ណា​វា​ប៉ះពាល់​សតិ​អារម្មណ៍​ដែរ សូម​សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​មេត្តា​ពិចារណា​ផង ព្រោះ​ថា​ប្រទេស​តូច​កុំ​ថា​ឡើយ​កម្ពុជា​ដល់​ទៅ​អាវុធ​នុយក្លេអ៊ែរ សូម្បី​អាវុធ​ប៉ុន​កូន​ដៃ​ក៏​គ្មាន​ដែរ។ សូម​ឲ្យ​លោក​ជា​មហាយក្ស​សូម​ឲ្យ​ជួយ​ពិនិត្យ​មើល និង​សូម​ឲ្យ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​ដែល​ជា​ប្រទេស​តូច​មួយ​ហ្នឹង​រស់​បាន​ដោយ​សុខ​សន្តិភាព​ផង។»

អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា សុខ ឥសាន ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១០ ខែ​មីនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី



Hun Sen finally tones down his rhetoric against the US when a limited US sanction hits the CPP’s raw nerves. He now agrees to again accept deported Cambodian ex-criminals from the US because of the visa restriction the US has imposed on Ministry of Foreign Affairs top officials. Rather than lifting it as a reward for the backdown, the US up the ante, extending the restriction to those who undermine Cambodian democracy, and their families.

The expanded sanction makes the CPP’s head spin. Initially, Sok Eysan sees no problems. He is right though that the visa restriction will not kill Cambodians. Most do not have enough to send their children for education or buy real estates in the US. Indeed, only children of those who can afford can visit their parents in Cambodia to circumvent the sanction.

On second thought forty-eight hours later, Eysan realises those children may not be allowed back to the US after the visit to their parents who are in the sanction list. He whines, and begs for a US reconsideration. He becomes delusional when he infers that the sanction is due to nuclear weaponry he claims the CPP do not have.

The US will not reveal the list. Hun Sen would certainly want to know who are, or are not, in it to confirm or disprove any doubt he may ever have on loyalty of any of his minions.

Meanwhile, this becomes a real predicament for his fawning dependants: to be or not to be in the list. Being in it proves to Hun Sen their loyalty and service effectiveness; but it also means they are putting at risks their wealth and their children overseas. If they are not in, however, they will arouse, or confirm, Hun Sen’s suspicion on their loyalty.

They may not have any choice though when the sanction drags on. Hun Sen will know whose visa applications are being rejected, and who have not travelled to the US as often as they used to.

To rein Hun Sen in, nevertheless, visa bans from other countries that are preferred destinations of his minions’ wealth may be necessary. Furthermore, an ultimate effectiveness is a freeze on their assets abroad. It is impossible for them to justify their ill-gotten wealth with their legitimate incomes under those foreign jurisdictions’ anti-money laundering and corruption laws.

Impacts of such targeted sanctions on the Hun Sen’s rule will be huge, leaving the general population largely untouched. The rule lasts so far mainly because of his support base consisting of intellectuals and armed officers who carry out his orders so diligently. The surgical sanctions inflict damages only on the support base’s private interests, which must be severe enough to embolden a political defiance within. This means they could inconspicuously execute orders that will damage the democracy with less effectiveness. They could also make Hun Sen’s illusion a reality – a colour revolution.

Many of Hun Sen’s wishes have come through with flying colours, and a colour revolution could be next.


Ung Bun Ang
11xii17


By The Way


According to the following gangster-like language, Hun Sen, who boasts he has eyes like pineapple’s, does not really have everything in the CPP under his control. Someone in his support base that closely monitors his opponents’ activities fails either to discover the 29 November plot Hun Sen claims to overthrow his regime, or to inform him about it. Why?

Maybe they do not want him to murder more than what he does on Veng Sreng Street. Maybe there is no such plot. Maybe it is only a Hun Sen’s hallucination.

Whatever the reasons, his support base can also be his Achilles’ heel. This is particularly so when this support base is driven by their personal interest and wealth stashed overseas.


បើខ្ញុំដឹងរឿងហ្នឹង តាំងពីណុង ប្រហែលជាចុងឆ្នាំ២០១៣ និងដើមឆ្នាំ២០១៤ គឺពួក
នេះងាប់អស់ហើយ ងាប់អស់ហើយ។ គេកំណត់យកថ្ងៃទី២៩ ខែធ្នូ ២០១៣ ជាថ្ងៃផ្ដាច់
ព្រ័ត្ររំលំយើង។ បើខ្ញុំឃើញពីពេលណុងនោះណា៎ អ្នកទាំងនោះងាប់តាំងពីណុង ពេល
នេះជាពេលបុណ្យខ្មោចពួកហ្នឹងទៀត ស្ដាយណាស់។ សំណាង ដែលខ្ញុំអត់បានមើល
ឃើញ បើសិនបានមើល……  ថ្ងៃដែលគេប្រកាសណុង ប៉ុន្មានម៉ោងក្រោយ គឺវ៉ៃសង្គ្រប់
យកតែម្ដង​​​.......”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃទី ១៩ វិច្ឆិកា​  ២០១៧   ​ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី


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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com