Tuesday 22 May 2018


Hun Sen Under Mounting Pressures


“The official press agency of the Chinese Communist Party on Wednesday published an article that rebukes the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen for failing to deal with political unrest in Cambodia and calls for ‘serious and deep reforms’ in the country over the next five years. The Xinhua News Agency, whose output is tightly controlled by China’s government, notes the discord in Cambodia since the ‘disputed general election’ on July 28 and cites a number of political analysts in the country calling on Mr. Hun Sen to act swiftly ‘to restore his popularity’.”

Reporters Alex Willemyns and Mech Dara, 6 December 2013, The Cambodia Daily


“Respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms is part of the EU’s trade policy and underpins the legal basis of our trade preferences.”

European Commission Vice President (Foreign Affairs) Federica Mogherini, 1 May 2018, The Phnom Penh Post


“The Cambodia Democracy Act of 2018 will push back against the Hun Sen regime’s undermining of democracy and related human rights abuses by applying financial sanctions to the figures who carry out this despicable agenda and codifying the Administration’s existing visa restrictions for these individuals.”

US Congressman Ted Yoho, 15 May 2018, The Phnom Penh Post




According to a CPP inner circle source, Hun Sen is worried sick about three main intertwined issues: China’s support, legitimacy of his new government, and the CPP’s internal uneasiness with his rule.

He doubts if China’s support is set in stone. China has a record of dropping their once-proclaimed and glorified allies like a hot potato for its best interest when necessary. Sihanouk and Pol Pot potatoes immediately come to mind.

The current China’s support is not without any conditions. Besides a laissez-faire control of economic activities in certain logistic parts of Cambodia Hun Sen has given his benefactor, China still expects Hun Sen to lift his game after the CPP 2013 elections disaster. The 2017 commune elections that see the CNRP consolidating its 2013 inroad into the CPP heartland prove to China that Hun Sen has failed in the four preceding years of government. Though Hun Sen now denies outright any political unrests, China may not buy it; he may just become another hot potato.

Hence, how would Hun Sen now convince China of his popularity and being in control? He has not instituted any serious and deep reforms in the past five years as China calls for. How can he, when he has built his power base upon a corrupt status quo? He could now go for a façade of control and popularity – the legitimacy of his next government, which depends on the July elections process and outcomes. He needs a high voter turnout and an absence of sanctions by the West.

However, Hun Sen is likely to fail. The opposition may intensify their call for the elections boycott and double up their lobby effort for the US and EU sanctions. A dedicated EU mission to Phnom Penh next month for a review of their tariff-free imports from Cambodia can only raise Hun Sen’s blood pressure as they link respect of human rights and fundamental freedom to their trade policy. A bill introduced in the US Congress to impose financial sanctions and travel bans could unsettle the nerves of Hun Sen’s significant minions. The upcoming second anniversary of the Kem Ley assassination on 10 July – it is so close to the 29 July elections – can only flare up a popular conviction that Hun Sen is a mastermind.

With such intense pressures hanging over his head, Hun Sen’s actions have also been greeted with great dismay within the CPP, which is emphatically manifested in the 2013 and 2017 elections. Even in metropolitan electorates where live many CPP stalwarts, their votes e.g. in Toul Kouk go to the CNRP in droves. The unexpected losses make Hun Sen so apprehensive that he trusts none besides his family members. He will likely settle the score with those disloyal minions if he ever survives the mounting pressures.

Yet, Hun Sen may not survive, unless he redefines his brand of democracy and human rights, or the opposition’s call for the election boycott and their US and EU lobby efforts are ineffective and fizzle out.


Ung Bun Ang
22v18


By the Way


So according to Hun Sen, his brand of true democracy is more advanced than those in the EU and the US. His yardstick for the claim is refreshing. He says their voter turnouts are around 30% and 40% respectively, which is below the Cambodia’s turnout of 69%. If Hun Sen uses the turnout of 86% in the 2017 commune elections, his brand of true democracy will be far more advanced than those two democracies. Who is he trying to kid, if not himself?

Then again, he may just be setting it up for an easier run for himself in the July elections after blocking his only formidable opponent from the elections. If he can manage between 30% and 40%, he will claim his democracy will be as true and good as that of the EU and the US. Pray the EU and the US buy in their review of trade policy and individualised sanctions.



បើយើងប្រៀបធៀបភាគរយនៃការចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតពីសំណាក់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋរវាងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា និងសហគមន៍អ៊ឺរ៉ុប និងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក គឺអ៊ឺរ៉ុបមានប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទៅបោះឆ្នោតក្នុងរង្វង់ ៣០% ក៏អាចទទួលយកបាន រីឯសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកគឺមានពលរដ្ឋទៅបោះឆ្នោតតែក្នុងរង្វង់៤០%ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ប៉ុន្តែចំពោះកម្ពុជា គឺមានពលរដ្ឋជាង៦៩%ទៅបោះឆ្នោត។ នេះគឺបង្ហាញច្បាស់អំពីការរីកចម្រើននៃលទ្ឋិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យពិតប្រាកដនៅក្នុងប្រទេសយើង មិនដូចការបកស្រាយដោយជនអគតិមួយចំនួនឡើយ។

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៦ ខែ​ឧសភា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨ ​ ទំព័រ​ហ្វេសប៊ុក ហ៊ុន សែន




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Wednesday 9 May 2018



How Sam Rainsy Might Help Build Hun Sen’s Legacy



“Kem Sokha is still the party president. So, what [Rainsy] appeals, even if it benefits the CNRP, it opposes the CNRP’s spirit because he is making decisions instead of the CNRP. It violates our rights.”

Former CNRP official Ou Chanrath, 30 April 2018, The Phnom Penh Post


“I compare the party which has been pushed to join the fake election to an ahp [an evil spirit with a head but no body] party.”

CNRM President Sam Rainsy, 2 May 2018, The Phnom Penh Post


“Our parties [Khmer Will Party and Our Motherland Party] condemn the irresponsible act for slandering and degrading political rights and the rights of the people. We, politicians and Cambodian people, completely refute Sam Rainsy’s activities.”

Khmer Will Party President Kong Monika and Our Motherland Party President Chan Bunhorn, 4 May 2018, Khmer



A leaked information is that Hun Sen has been working on Kem Sokha persuading him to accept a much-better-life offer: out of prison and millions in cash. This, indeed, comes with certain conditions: a clear dissociation with Sam Rainsy and participation in the July elections with his former Human Right Party. So far, the source says Kem Sokha refuses.

The offer is similar to the one Nhek Bun Chhay has accepted and is now out of jail. While the cash incentive is unknown, Nhek Bun Chhay will take his party to the forthcoming elections.

The source claims that Hun Sen has not yet given up on Kem Sokha. It reveals that, according to an opinion poll by a US research group commissioned by Hun Manet, the dissolved CNRP has won a substantial public sympathy for Kem Sokha, and more so for Sam Rainsy. Thus, Hun Sen’s focus is to break up the alliance of the two and get at least one of them to the elections for the sake of his next government legitimacy.

So, for how long will Kem Sokha resist the Hun Sen carrot? What might break his resolve?

Hun Sen is confident Kem Sokha will take the carrot as the alliance has been wobbling; he must thank for it Sam Rainsy’s propensity to take autocratic impulsive actions. First, a rift emerges when Sam Rainsy creates CNR Movement without any consultation with Kem Sokha, who quickly refuses to endorse it. Sam Rainsy responses by denigrating the objection.

Second, Sam Rainsy declares an official elections boycott on behalf of the CNRP as if he is still in charge. Kem Sokha’s faction in the Party promptly and emphatically dismisses his authority to speak for them. The recent first meeting of the CNRP executives, five months after the dissolution, does not support the boycott call. Spokesman Nhem Panharith says they may leave it to their supporters to decide whether they will vote. Kem Sokha must not be too impressed with the overbearing past president.

Third, Kem Sokha may not agree with Sam Rainsy’s attack on minor and new parties, especially the Khmer Will Party (KWP) that has emerged from a group of their former ardent colleagues. The attack has backfired; the KWP responds with an outright condemnation of the boycott call. The CNRP executives spokesman makes no mention of the minor parties.

It seems Sam Rainsy’s remote control of the CNRP has broken, which may become a source of frustrations for any autocrat. A persistent frustration can only lead to further errors of judgement that can push Kem Sokha to succumb to the lure of Hun Sen’s comfortable life offer.

Will Sam Rainsy’s solo performance be enough for Kem Sokha to retire? Will Sam Rainsy continue to act as though he is still in control of CNRP? If the answer is yes to any of the questions, Sam Rainsy’s comfortable lifestyle in Paris will be permanent. His political legacy will be the one that makes a greater legacy for Hun Sen.


Ung Bun Ang
9v18


By the Way


Well, it is indeed a piece of great news for those who study medicine in Vietnam. Hun Sen now accredits their Vietnamse degree which means they are no longer required to pass qualification exams to practice in Cambodia. After all, they say the six-year medical schooling in Vietnam is just a good as the eight years at local universities.

Hun Sen knows how good the Cambodian medical schools are. He always prefers overseas medical services for his needs even routine check-ups. He is too kind to say the eight-year term that students slug away at local medical schools means they are too slow in the uptake when others can do in six outside the border.

There is a tiny puzzle, though. Now that Cambodia recognises the Vietnamese medical degree, will Vietnam reciprocate and accredit the Cambodian’s? It is doubtful if Hun Sen dares raise the issue with his neighbour believing that the Cambodian schools are not up to scratch.


“We are very happy that the Health Ministry [after Hun Sen’s instruction] accepted our complaints… The Ministry has decided that studying six years of general medical practice in Vietnam is equivalent to studying medicine for eight years in Cambodia.”

Vietnam medical school student Cheb Vandara, 7 May 2018, Khmer Times


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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com