Hun Sen’s Colour
Revolution Illusion May Come True
“…
the Secretary of State will restrict entry into the United States of those
individuals involved in undermining democracy in Cambodia. In certain
circumstances, family members of those individuals will also be subject to visa
restrictions.”
US Department of State spokesperson
Heather Nauert,
Press Statement, 6 December 2017
“Banning visas will not make people in Cambodia die by
having their children not [being allowed to] visit there. They can visit their
parents [here] – there is no problem.”
CPP Spokesman Sok Eysan, 8
December 2017, The Phnom Penh Post
«យ៉ាងណាវាប៉ះពាល់សតិអារម្មណ៍ដែរ
សូមសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកមេត្តាពិចារណាផង
ព្រោះថាប្រទេសតូចកុំថាឡើយកម្ពុជាដល់ទៅអាវុធនុយក្លេអ៊ែរ
សូម្បីអាវុធប៉ុនកូនដៃក៏គ្មានដែរ។
សូមឲ្យលោកជាមហាយក្សសូមឲ្យជួយពិនិត្យមើល
និងសូមឲ្យប្រទេសកម្ពុជាដែលជាប្រទេសតូចមួយហ្នឹងរស់បានដោយសុខសន្តិភាពផង។»
អ្នកនាំពាក្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា
សុខ ឥសាន ថ្ងៃទី១០ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៦
វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី
Hun Sen finally tones down his
rhetoric against the US when a limited US sanction hits the CPP’s raw nerves. He
now agrees to again accept deported Cambodian ex-criminals from the US because
of the visa restriction the US has imposed on Ministry of Foreign Affairs top
officials. Rather than lifting it as a reward for the backdown, the US up the
ante, extending the restriction to those who undermine Cambodian democracy, and
their families.
The expanded sanction makes the
CPP’s head spin. Initially, Sok Eysan sees no problems. He is right though that
the visa restriction will not kill Cambodians. Most do not have enough to send
their children for education or buy real estates in the US. Indeed, only children
of those who can afford can visit their parents in Cambodia to circumvent the
sanction.
On second thought forty-eight
hours later, Eysan realises those children may not be allowed back to the US
after the visit to their parents who are in the sanction list. He whines, and
begs for a US reconsideration. He becomes delusional when he infers that the
sanction is due to nuclear weaponry he claims the CPP do not have.
The US will not reveal the list. Hun Sen would certainly want to
know who are, or are not, in it to confirm or disprove any doubt he may ever have
on loyalty of any of his minions.
Meanwhile, this becomes a real predicament for his fawning
dependants: to be or not to be in the list. Being in it proves to Hun Sen their
loyalty and service effectiveness; but it also means they are putting at risks
their wealth and their children overseas. If they are not in, however, they
will arouse, or confirm, Hun Sen’s suspicion on their loyalty.
They may not have any choice though when the sanction drags on.
Hun Sen will know whose visa applications are being rejected, and who have not
travelled to the US as often as they used to.
To rein Hun Sen in, nevertheless, visa bans from other countries
that are preferred destinations of his minions’ wealth may be necessary. Furthermore,
an ultimate effectiveness is a freeze on their assets abroad. It is impossible
for them to justify their ill-gotten wealth with their legitimate incomes under
those foreign jurisdictions’ anti-money laundering and corruption laws.
Impacts of such targeted sanctions on the Hun Sen’s rule will be
huge, leaving the general population largely untouched. The rule lasts so far
mainly because of his support base consisting of intellectuals and armed
officers who carry out his orders so diligently. The surgical sanctions inflict
damages only on the support base’s private interests, which must be severe
enough to embolden a political defiance within. This means they could inconspicuously
execute orders that will damage the democracy with less effectiveness. They
could also make Hun Sen’s illusion a reality – a colour revolution.
Many of Hun Sen’s wishes have come through with flying colours,
and a colour revolution could be next.
Ung Bun Ang
11xii17
By The Way
According to the following gangster-like language, Hun Sen, who
boasts he has eyes like pineapple’s, does not really have everything in the CPP
under his control. Someone in his support base that closely monitors his
opponents’ activities fails either to discover the 29 November plot Hun Sen
claims to overthrow his regime, or to inform him about it. Why?
Maybe they do not want him to murder more than what he does on
Veng Sreng Street. Maybe there is no such plot. Maybe it is only a Hun Sen’s hallucination.
Whatever the reasons, his support base can also be his Achilles’
heel. This is particularly so when this support base is driven by their personal
interest and wealth stashed overseas.
“ បើខ្ញុំដឹងរឿងហ្នឹង
តាំងពីណុង ប្រហែលជាចុងឆ្នាំ២០១៣ និងដើមឆ្នាំ២០១៤ គឺពួក
នេះងាប់អស់ហើយ ងាប់អស់ហើយ។
គេកំណត់យកថ្ងៃទី២៩ ខែធ្នូ ២០១៣ ជាថ្ងៃផ្ដាច់
ព្រ័ត្ររំលំយើង។
បើខ្ញុំឃើញពីពេលណុងនោះណា៎ អ្នកទាំងនោះងាប់តាំងពីណុង ពេល
នេះជាពេលបុណ្យខ្មោចពួកហ្នឹងទៀត
ស្ដាយណាស់។ សំណាង ដែលខ្ញុំអត់បានមើល
ឃើញ បើសិនបានមើល……
ថ្ងៃដែលគេប្រកាសណុង ប៉ុន្មានម៉ោងក្រោយ គឺវ៉ៃសង្គ្រប់
យកតែម្ដង.......” ។
នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី
១៩ វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៧ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី
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