Thursday, 30 April 2015

Hun Many Moves Angkor Sangkran Closer to the East


“នេះមិនមែនជាការខុសនៃរចនាបទខ្មែរនោះទេ ព្រោះថា អ្វីដូច ខ្ញុំមិនមែនជំនាញទេ លោកគ្រូដែល គាត់ចេញមកពីសាលារចនា គាត់អាចបញ្ជាក់បានបន្ថែម ហើយគាត់នឹងអាចមានលទ្ធភាពគ្រប់ គ្រាន់ ក្នុងការចេញមកពីសៀវភៅរបស់គាត់ ដែលគាត់បានសិក្សាកន្លងមក ពន្យល់ថាកន្លែងណា ខ្លះជារចនាបទ។ អញ្ចឹងគឺវាមានការយល់ច្រឡំមួយចំនួនដែលបានកើតឡើង ដែលក្នុងនោះយើងខ្ញុំ ដែលខ្ញុំខ្លួនឯង ដោយសារខ្ញុំបានឆ្លងរៀបចំព្រឹត្ដិការណ៍នេះ ទទួលស្គាល់ថាអ្វី ទិដ្ឋភាពមួយចំនួន វាធ្វើឲ្យមជ្ឈដ្ឋានមួយចំនួនមិនមានពេញចិត្ដ ។ ហើយផ្អែកលើ ដោយសារផ្អែកលើជាស្មារតីអង្គរ សង្ក្រាន្ដ  គឺដើម្បីទំាងអស់គ្នា ។ ទោះបីមហាជនមានលក្ខណ:ភាគតូចក៍ដោយ ក៏យើងចង់ឲ្យ គាត់មកចូល រួមដោយមានភាពរីករាយដែរ។​ ពួកគាត់បានលើកឡើងច្រើនថា រចនាបទនេះវាមិនមែនរបស់ខ្មែរ ហើយគាត់បានឲ្យយើងខ្ញុំទាំងអស់គ្នាដើម្បីពន្យល់ទៅវិញថាតើជារចនាបទក្លោងទ្វារ នេះ គឺកន្លែងណាដែលជាខ្មែរ។ អានេះគឺលោកគ្រូពីសាលារចនា គាត់ដឹងក្រោយព្រឹត្ដិការណ៍ ចូលឆ្នាំ នឹងអាចមានឧកាសដើម្បីបកស្រាយ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្ដែចំណោទសួរ ដែលគួរសួរទៅវិញផងដែរ ថារចនាបទកន្លែងណាដែលខុសមែនទែន សុំឲ្យបែកចែកក្លោងទ្វារហ្នឹង តើរចនាបែបណាខុសពី រចនាបទខ្មែរ។”


អ្នក តំណាង រាស្ត្រ និងប្រធានសហភាពសហព័ន្ធយុវជនកម្ពុជា ហ៊ុន ម៉ានី  ថ្ងៃទី១៦ មេសា​២០១៥ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្ដរជាតិ


Congratulations must go to the premier’s son Hun Many and his Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia (UYFC) for a successful Angkor Sangkran 2015. Besides breaking two Guinness world records, the festival attracts a record number of tourists, and scores a public relations coup when it brings together for the first time two political adversaries.

Amid the excitement and accolade, however, there is a slight hiccup that is likely to have political implications. It is a matter of the festival gateway design that causes a public uproar, especially on Facebook. The thrust of a common criticism is that the design is aesthetically Vietnamese.

And what is fascinating is how UYFC president Hun Many respond to his critics. He rejects any suggestion that the design, which is dominated by bright yellow and orange colours, is Vietnamese-influenced. He relies on a book by a School of Fine Arts teacher, who he says will explain after the celebrations how the design reflects Khmer arts. The public is waiting.

The UYFC president takes a moral high ground when he backs down so that all, he says, can enjoy the celebrations. He changes the design soon after one of the gateways is severely damaged by strong winds and later burned down by arsonists.

Indeed, this artistic glitch may mean little to Hun Many. Nevertheless, his critics see it differently. First, Hun Many does not seem to know that one can please a majority but not everyone. He gives in to the critics whom he says is just a minority. Then again, he has been brought up in a system where the minority in effect rules.

Second, the design change may upset those he implies make up the majority that is happy with the original version. They say it allows creativity, even though it is bordering on plagiarising the cultural taste of the Viets. If the original were already Khmer, then the modification of the design to a gold and dark brown colours would be less Khmer.

Third, it is a concern that Hun Many demands the critics explain how the design is not Khmer. Either he pretends not to know, or he cannot really tell the difference. This bodes well with the thinking behind the original design that could represent a slow and protracted penetration of the Viet culture into the sub-consciousness of the UYFC, especially the president who is slated to take charge after his father, if not a major leadership role.

It seems a bit like the old story of the frog that gets boiled alive because the temperature of the water in which it sits rises only gradually, thanks to its ability to adapt to changing circumstances. Some Cambodians appear to be quite able to take in the growing realisation that the Viets have been coming in the forms of immigration, border landmass, and now culture. This may just be a repayment of the debt of gratitude to the Viets Hun Many’s father treats as being eternal.

And the Viets are smiling.


Ung Bun Ang
30iv15



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Monday, 20 April 2015

Hun Sen – Sam Rainsy Club


“Our country has reached a new point with the presence of His Excellency Sam Rainsy…on stage today; the culture of dialogue has happened in Cambodia and replaced the culture of conflict and killing each other… Half my life, I have worked on peace negotiations more than war… Recently, I met a good partner: His Excellency Sam Rainsy. I don’t want to use the word ‘opposition.’ I want to use ‘party in government’ and ‘party out of government’—these are sweeter words.”

Premier Hun Sen, 15 April 2015, The Cambodia Daily



“លទ្ធផលទីពីរ នៃវប្បធម៌សន្ទនានេះ គឺការជួយជម្រុញ ឲ្យមានការដោះលែងពីពន្ធនាគារ ការលើកលែងទោស ឬការលើកលែងការចោទប្រកាន់ ចំពោះបងប្អូនជនរួមជាតិទាំងអស់ ដែលតុលាការបានផ្តន្ទាទោស  ឬបាន កសាងសំណុំរឿងពាក់ព័ន្ធ ទៅនឹងព្រឹត្តិការណ៍នយោបាយ ដែលបានកើតមានឡើងក្រោយពីការ បោះឆ្នោត ថ្ងៃទី ២៨ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៣។”

CNRP president Sam Rainsy, 11 April 2015, Sam Rainsy Facebook



“Whoever raises it [court summon for Kem Sokha], raises it for the wrong reasons, which has nothing to do justice; if it has nothing to do with justice, it can only be political.”

CNRP president Sam Rainsy, 4 April 2015, The Phnom Penh Post



“We cannot interfere with the power of the court. This affair is a story about the court and Kem Sokha, not a story about Hun Sen and His Excellency Sam Rainsy.”

Premier Hun Sen, 10 April 2015, The Phnom Penh Post



“As a symbol of national reconciliation and Khmer unity, I took part this morning in a popular ceremony to celebrate the Khmer New Year (2559 in the Buddhist era) along with Prime Minister Hun Sen in Siem Reap provincial capital city.”

CNRP president Sam Rainsy, 13 April 2015, Sam Rainsy Facebook



“We must stay together because, at the very least, we have the same Cambodian blood.”

Premier Hun Sen, 15 April 2015, The Cambodia Daily


Now that euphoria surrounding the cosiness between Hun Sen and his newly found partner Sam Rainsy has somewhat subsided, perhaps it is time to dig a bit deeper beneath the culture that drives the development.

First, it is unclear if the two leaders share the same concept of the culture of dialogue. Sam Rainsy maintains the culture he has been pursuing delivers freedom to those who are intimidated and jailed by political motivations. While Sam Rainsy sees Kem Sokha case as harassment by a politicised court, Hun Sen refuses to accept any interference to legal due process. They may misread each other to the extent the culture of dialogue may drive nothing more than their political expediency.

Second, the two have formed an exclusive club – leaving Kem Sokha out in the cold. He is not invited to share the Siem Reap limelight with the two amigos. Sam Rainsy implies himself alone is sufficient to be a symbol of national reconciliation and unity by celebrating the New Year with the premier. Kem Sokha is left to the mercy of Hun Sen who may or may not soften his stance and instruct his court to let Kem Sokha off the hook. The court must have gathered enough materials in the seven-hour interrogation of Kem Sokha to hang him, as soon as it receives the premier’s nudge.

Third, the premier no longer regards CNRP as the opposition party – it is now “the party out-of-government”, which sounds so positive. But what does this party out-of-government entail? Does it function like a challenger for power, or it is just another sweet rubber stamp – like the National Assembly, the Senate, the Constitutional Council, and the court – which Hun Sen commands at will?

Fourth, Hun Sen hits the perfect note when claiming all Cambodians must be together as they have at least the same blood. This would mean something commendable if he stopped hounding Kem Sokha and removed the imposition of a single Khmer citizenship on members of the new NEC. If the single citizenship guaranteed faithfulness to the nation as he argues, it would then have to be imposed as well on all other top state instruments. Anyhow, a predicament is that Cambodians with multiple citizenships have yet to murder Cambodians to match what the past and present single citizenship leaders have achieved.

Thus, there exist some fundamental differences within this exclusive club. These are the differences that cannot be easily reconciled given a patronage system that has strengthened Hun Sen’s power base. Ultimately, one of the two club members must sell out their basic principle for the club to last. Would it be Hun Sen to give up his power base and fundamentals? Or, would Sam Rainsy be the one to bow, with or without being blackmailed?

Perhaps the culture of dialogue is just a cover of being tamed when the opposition turns into the party out-of-government; and Sam Rainsy no longer insists voters choose either him or Hun Sen; now they can have both.


Ung Bun Ang
20iv15


Parthian Shot

With USD35 million on the offering, those in Heaven can say anything to those trapped in Hell. They speak so well of Hell that they may move there themselves.


“Cambodians enjoy all the freedoms of a democratic society, including freedom of religion and freedom of speech… Cambodia has a high standard of health care, with multiple hospitals and general practitioners… Cambodia is a safe country, where police maintain law and order,” it says. “It does not have problems with violent crime or stray dogs.”

Australian Department of Immigration, Letter to Australia’s Nauru refugees “Settlement in Cambodia”, 10 April 2015




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Friday, 10 April 2015

Hun Sen Tightens the Screw



«ខ្ញុំបញ្ជាក់ច្បាស់ហើយ គឺអត់និយាយអីតទៀតទេ សុំទោស ព្រមឬមិនព្រម បើមិនព្រមទេ កុំបោះ ថ្ងៃទី១៣ មេសា ខាងមុខនេះ។ បើមិនអាចឯកភាពគ្នាបានទេ ទុកឯកឧត្តម អ៊ឹម សួរស្តីបន្តធ្វើជាប្រធាន គ.ជ.ប.រហូតទៅ កុំពិបាកពេក។ អាថ្មីមិនចេញ អាចាស់បន្ត កុំទារភាគហ៊ុនច្រើនពេក។ សង្ឃឹមថា ឯកឧត្តម សម រង្ស៊ីនឹងបន្តគ្រប់គ្រងបានបក្សនេះ បន្តទៀត។ គាត់ឯកភាពជាមួយខ្ញុំនៅប៉ារីស ហេតុអីមកដល់កម្ពុជាគាត់អត់ព្រម តើមាន បញ្ហាផ្ទៃក្នុងអី។ ហើយកុំថា គេបំបែក អាងអីអាងថា គេបំបែក នេះមិនមែនឯកឧត្តម សម រង្ស៊ីជាអ្នកនិយាយទេ គឺ អ្នកដទៃ»។

នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន ទី​១ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៥ ដើមអម្ពិល



“We heard some rumours that he [Puthea] might have some health problems, but we have checked those rumours and everything has been cleared… I was in Paris, so it was hard to get in touch with everybody.”

CNRP president Sam Rainsy, 2 April 2015, the Phnom Penh Post


“It means that they think that Hang Puthea will die in the next two or three years. It’s a serious insult to Hang Puthea’s life, because he is not more than about 50 years old as far as I know.”

Premier Hun Sen, 2 April 2015, The Cambodia Daily


“If they want to change me out [sic], they should use a [reason] which is different from this. I have a lot of contact with CNRP officials but the accusers are officials of the CNRP. It should be that the CPP is making the accusations”.

Impartial NEC member Hang Puthea, 2 April 2015, the Phnom Penh Post



Hun Sen has put so much pressure on the opposition that could make anyone’s head spin.  He must be most satisfied that the CNRP no longer seems to know whether it is coming or going.

It does not know what it wants. Sam Rainsy, while in France, accepts Hang Puthea as the impartial ninth member of the new NEC when communicating direct with Hun Sen, only to change his mind after arriving back in Cambodia. Nevertheless, after Hun Sen’s ultimatum – take it or keep the old NEC – the party rushes into a meeting; and presto, it approves the premier’s preferred impartial member… as if they have any choice.

Sam Rainsy is making the decision on the run. Perhaps, as the president he is entitled to make captain’s calls, i.e. without consulting anyone. However, it may be a better idea to keep his vow that he and Kem Sokha make joint decisions on matters of significance. It would be a poor excuse to say appointing an impartial member for the new NEC is unimportant.

Yes, he is in Paris; and as he puts it, it is hard for him to contact “everybody”. In fact, contacting everybody under any circumstances would be demanding. But it is certainly not difficult to contact one person in this age of advanced communication technology. Then again, he may not believe that two heads better than one when dealing with Hun Sen. Or, he is too overwhelmed by Hun Sen’s approach that he could not tell the latter to wait until he gets the chance to consult his vice-president. Or, perhaps he simply wants to impress Hun Sen that he is in charge of the party, though Hun Sen questions it.

Anyhow, it is unlikely that the way he handles Hang Puthea’s candidacy will ever endear him to the latter. His decision to recant his initial support for Hang Puthea is based on rumour about the latter’s health. It is short-sighted and reactive without proper consideration. Edward De Bono would slap his hand for failing to observe the principle of the Six Thinking Hats.

Meanwhile, Hun Sen exploits the opportunity well when he claims the opposition effectively insult Hang Puthea with the health rumour. Hang Puthea says he is bewildered as he could not understand why the opposition rejects him that way. Worse still, he was expecting the attack to come from the CPP, not CNRP. A likely consequence is that Sam Rainsy has at least made the impartial NEC member indifferent to his causes; and Hun Sen has earned an ally.

Therefore, the opposition seems lost in the political wilderness. It is clinging onto the culture of dialogue for some comfort, while Hun Sen uses it to attack the opposition whenever it swerves out of the line he lays out neatly for it. Yet, the CNRP may not care that much about the direction it is travelling as long as it is getting there – just like the CPP-Funcinpec partnership has.

Happy Khmer New Year to All.


Ung Bun Ang
10iv15


Parthian Shot

No creativity allowed. A group of women’s right activists bring along musical instruments to perform traditional “Trot” dance while delivering a petition to the two major parties. These activists are lucky; they are just being dispersed.

Another group of women was not so lucky. They brought beds to their demonstration last year, and have since been locked up, and become a source of Hun Sen’s ridicules.

“They [demonstrators] did something irregular by bringing musical instruments.”

CPP spokesman Sok Eysan, 8 April 2015, The Cambodia Daily


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