2016 Annual Awards

 Here we are, dishing out awards for 2016 memorable performances in Cambodian politics.

Tamer Award – Hun Sen

It is uncertain if Hun Sen tames a lion or a donkey, but he surely has subdued CNRP. Contrary to Kem Sokha’s claim of no-condition pardon, there are so many of them he may not see. He writes a humbled request for it as if he is guilty as convicted. The CNRP strips Sam Rainsy of his role and status of being equal to prime minister, despite the latter’s protest. Both CNRP leaders re-issue the statement denouncing those who insist on slandering the Huns; previous statement and deregistration of a culpable member are insufficient. Kem Sokha sings praises of Hun Sen’s achievements; CPP says he now speaks the truth, implying he used to lie. There may be more to come. Without them, would Hun Sen have issued a Get-out-of-jail Free card in his Monopoly game?

$4 Million Role Model Award – Thy Sovantha

Thy Sovantha is a living role model for those pragmatists who aim to brighten their future. At a tender age of only 22, she has achieved much more than what any educated pragmatists could ever dream of. Politics has made her fail Bac II exam twice, but she knows what counts is with whom she ingratiates herself – nothing else. She rubs shoulders with a PM’s son. Her affectionate grandpa PM is more than happy to donate $1 million for her pocket money. It would take him more than 72 years to afford it with his declared monthly salary of $1,150 without eating. Then, there is another $3 million for her from international donors details of which she refuses to disclose. As some intellectuals might say this role model is a nonsense, the education minister gives her a permit to run a university – just to make it a complete nonsense.

Thy Sovantha also has a full impunity. She delivers death threats at will to the new minority leader who has a status equal to prime minister. Authorities take no actions; mum’s the word.

Consensus Award – Joint recipients Vietnam, Hun Sen, and Sam Rainsy

It is a historic consensus among the recipients that Bonne maps and UTM maps are the same. While Vietnam and Hun Sen just say so, Sam Rainsy goes further – when a Bonne map with a scale of 1/1000,000 is expanded with a magnifier to a scale of 1/50,000, it becomes an UTM, which is twice as clear. Never mind if they have different names and mapping methodologies. Thus, when a Toyota is enlarged it is the same as a Rolls Royce.

This leads to another point of their consensus: no need to amend the Constitution that specifically calls for the Bonne map 1/100,000. Indeed, the maps are the same, aren’t they? Anyhow, the Constitution means little; its numerous articles have been ignored, re-interpreted, or amended for political expediency since its 1993 inception.

Well, make the most out of 2017, as it will give all the award recipients the most.

Ung Bun Ang

21xii16

By The Way

Ministry of Mines and Energy spokesman Dith Tina, 16 December 2016, The Phnom Penh Post:

1.    “I hope that we will stop talking about the $700 million. It relates to the size of the commerce. For example, a coconut is 300 riel [about $0.08] in Kampot, but it is 3,000 riel [$0.75] in Phnom Penh – and the sand case is the same.”

Pseng-Pseng:

It seems we will not stop talking about the missing millions, until Hun Sen locks up some loudmouths and throws away the key. The coconut and sand trades are so profitable that anyone with a right connection must be tempted, which is very interesting to talk about.

Ministry of Mines and Energy spokesman Dith Tina, 16 December 2016, Khmer Times:

2.    “Neither the government nor the ministry sell sand, businessmen do. What is sold here has a different value than what is sold in the buying country.”

Pseng-Pseng:

That is correct, the government do not sell sand. Businessmen, or government’s officials who disguise as businessmen do. The sand export business is so profitable that a Thy Sovantha will not resist the temptation.

Ministry of Mines and Energy spokesman Dith Tina, 16 December 2016, The Cambodia Daily:

3.    “If the figures in Cambodia and Singapore were the same, then we might begin to wonder. We might think that these two countries had made some deal with each other.”

Pseng-Pseng:

Yes, the deal could be that both would keep a clean ledger that can be readily reconciled. Then there would be no need for guesses, speculations, and/or excuses. One would pleasantly wonder how one of the least corrupt in the world comes to make some transparency deal with one of the most corrupt on the planet.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen: It‘s the French

“They insult only me, the younger generation, [but] the Vietnamese people were brought here by the French to tap the rubber trees, and 70 percent of the tappers were Vietnamese. As they do not know the history, they curse only me, the younger generation.”

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 3 November 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“Cambodia and Vietnam are the two elements which are indispensable.”

Khmer Times reporter May Tithara, 3 November 2016, Hun Sen book: “The 13 Decades of Cambodia”.

“… the leasing of farm land should be stopped in all forms.”

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 2 November 2016, Khmer Times

“The leasing of farmland to Vietnamese farmers has been stopped completely since July after the government announced the decision to do so to secure both countries along the border. So far, border demarcation in this province has never been an issue.”

Kandal provincial governor Mao Phirun, 2 November 2016, Khmer Times

“Before coming here, I signed and agreed to a proposed road that will be constructed along the eastern border of the country. I have instructed the Takeo provincial governor [Lay Vannak] and other governors of border provinces that the best way to protect the border is to send Cambodian people to live in the eastern, western and northern borders of the country.”

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, Khmer Times

“And if this [border guard] office is not to be created by this government or they won't recruit patriotic campro people for reason of over age in civil service, I don't expect less from patriotic campro people [to] leave their comfort anywhere around the world and come to install their family at the border, recolonize our land and why not peacefully reconquest Kampuchea Kraom back.”

Ministry of Mines and Resources Secretary of State Dith Tina, 1 November 2016, Campro (Cambodian Professionals) network

“Let's take the case of Anlong Chrey, according to the demarcation, this village belong[s] to Vietnam but our Khmer families live there for centuries! Should we set a resettlement site for those Khmer people and give that land to Vietnam?”

Ministry of Mines and Resources Secretary of State Dith Tina, 27 October 2016, Campro (Cambodian Professionals) network

“I have told Vietnam many times during previous meetings and we recently sent a diplomatic note to protest against the construction. We asked them to stop [constructing a border guard office], but they did not listen to us.”

Senior Minister Var Kim Hong in charge of border affairs, 31 October 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“If it is important to you, you will find a way. Otherwise, you will find an excuse.”

Ministry of Mines and Resources Secretary of State Dith Tina, 1 November 2016, Campro (Cambodian Professionals) network

Yes, it is the French who bring in thousands of Vietnamese to work on rubber plantations and help them administer Cambodia. Hun Sen must know, though, the French is not the first and only one. Many Cambodian leaders, himself included, have continually relied on Vietnam to run the country since 16^th century.

However, it is the migrant number that counts. Hun Sen does not disclose a current size of legal Vietnamese migrants, and claims the illegal amounts to about 160,000. His current policy is to grant them all at least residency, if not citizenship. In the absence of an actual number, many researchers including Kem Ley suggest a grand total of at least 900,000. This colossal number is likely to grow, to be consistent with Hun Sen’s contention that Cambodia and Vietnam are indispensable, even though there is no reciprocal Cambodian number in Vietnam.

Besides the non-transparent migration, Hun Sen works hard for Vietnam on a border demarcation. He enters a string of friendship and border treaties with Vietnam since 1979, which King Sihanouk in 2005 describes as national suicide.

His border effort has inevitably failed Cambodia. First, his order that no border land leasing to Vietnam is in doubt. When he lately repeats the order particularly to the Kandal governor, the latter insists no land have been leased for months after the initial order. One of them must be either lying or ignorant.

Second, Hun Sen eventually adopts a plan to build infrastructures and populate border areas, 17 years after General Ke Kim Yan suggests it. Although it is better late than never, it remains to be seen how effective the implementation is. Nevertheless, one of his rookies Dith Tina – a young CPP rising star – has already ridiculed the plan by sarcastically inviting those “patriotic” Cambodian intellectuals who favour border guard offices to re-settle themselves there.

Third, Hun Sen uses land swapping with Vietnam in the border demarcation. Though it is unclear how the swap works in details, he must assume some Cambodians live on Vietnamese land. For instance, Dith Tina claims they have been living in Anlong Chrey for centuries before Hun Sen decides the whole village belongs to Vietnam. Thus, he must cede a piece of Cambodian land somewhere to Vietnam, unless he removes all the Cambodians from Anlong Chrey.

However, Hun Sen does not have a track record of profitably swapping State lands with private interests within Cambodia. The likelihood is that he will continue to lose in the State land swap with Vietnam.  

Overall, the most unsurprising fact is Hun Sen’s failure to stop a Vietnamese construction of a border guard office in a “white zone” in Rattanalkiri. His debt of eternal gratitude to Vietnam will overshadow Var Kim Hong’s or anyone else’s diplomatic skill. Cambodia must swallow whatever his benefactor cares to dish out.

As Dith Tina’s quote implies, the Vietnamese migrants and border are so important to Hun Sen that he constantly searches for ways to repay Vietnam, while offering Cambodia only excuses.

Ung Bun Ang

07xi16

By The Way

“Please tell me, if they don’t stop, what can we do? Do you want Cambodia to start a war with Vietnam to stop the construction?”

Senior Minister Var Kim Hong in charge of border affairs, 31 October 2016, The Cambodia Daily

Yes, indeed, a war ought to be an option. With a half-billion-dollar budget for the defence, which is larger than that for the whole health sector, the Hun Sen’s armed forces, many of them are masked, should show Vietnam what they are made off. After all, the masked armed forces have shown they are very effective in Phnom Penh streets. The war would be more than just to stop the construction; it would be to demand some respect from the benefactor. But then again, beneficiary Hun Sen may not even deserve it.

Otherwise, Hun Sen’s health budget is just to encourage the rich and powerful including Hun Sen himself to rush overseas for even routine medical treatments, and his defence budget is just good enough to beat up, and shoot at, unarmed Cambodian civilians in the capital’s streets.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen Targets Diaspora Markets

“…Why Cambodia is bothered too much by its diaspora market? … The diaspora is a tiny market for votes, a relatively small market for financing the opposition, and a sunset market. I'm unsighted as to why the fight over that market is so serious by CPP.” 

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 10 October 2016, Campro [professional network]

“If Sam Rainsy came to be with me, it would be better than me being alone. But if he does not decide to come back, we can still run the party without him.”

CNRP Acting president Kem Sokha, 12 October 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“So please, your majesty with your soul resting in peace, use your power to lift up Khmer politicians to unite the nation again and find reconciliation for all Khmers to be happy.”

CNRP Acting president Kem Sokha, 17 October 2016, The Cambodia Daily

Economist Chan Sophal asks the very pertinent question. Hun Sen for the last few years has sent his eldest son into what Chan Sophal calls diaspora “market”.  He says he refers to it as market because there is a competition.

Anyway, Chan Sophal is perplexed by the logic of Hun Sen’s venture into the markets. He argues the markets, which have so far largely funded Hun Sen’s opponents in Cambodia, are a dying breed; they will disappear within 10-20 years by natural causes. He says, compared with the CPP’s financial muscles, the diaspora political contributions to CNRP are pittances. Thus, he contends there is no need to compete in these “sunset” markets. They do not even vote.

Nevertheless, Chan Sophal may misread Hun Sen’s diaspora policy. While he is thinking of competitive markets where fairness rules, autocrat Hun Sen eyes a monopoly. Chan Sophal may not know Hun Sen is a control freak who wants all monopolistic power both in politics and the markets.

Inside Cambodia, Hun Sen’s strong-arm tactics have paid off; they have instilled fear in the people, especially among his opponents and critics. Only brave loudmouths are those who justify, or find excuses for, whatever Hun Sen can come up with. In their mind, the silent majority is simply stupid, ready to swallow anything.

Amid the subdued is a timid CNRP. Hun Sen’s intimidation makes their head spin. Scores of their MPs and senators are in exile or jail, or on their way there. The deputy president has been holed up in their headquarters, longing for a return from exile of the president who maintains he has higher priorities. They beg the king for pardons eventhough they insist they have done nothing wrong or illegal, only to be rejected by Hun Sen, who overshadows the king. The deputy president is so despondent he prays for late Sihanouk’s help.

Now that he has the domestic market in his pocket, Hun Sen turns his focus onto the diaspora for a complete monopoly in Cambodian politics. Autocratic Hun Sen may be too impatient to tolerate the Chan Sophal sunset markets. Autocrats usually want everything yesterday.

There are, however, some splinters Hun Sen must remove from his skin. First, the threat and fear he has so successfully instilled in the local psyche may not be effective in the diaspora communities. Any violence that openly works in Cambodia may not be so easily executed and covered up where impunity is not an option. Second, while the domestic media largely dance to Hun Sen’s tunes, the rest of the world does not. Hun Sen must shut down these international media to prevent uncovering any unsavoury information he claims to be falsified.

However, a glimpse of hope is that if the diaspora communities are seen as markets, where money is usually exchanged for goods and services, Hun Sen still has an option of buying the monopoly with his monies.

The question is then whether the diaspora communities will sell out their soul. Will you?

Ung Bun Ang

20x16 

By The Way

«គណៈកម្មការ​នៅ​ជំហរ​ដដែល ព្រោះ​ថា​​នេះ​ជា​ទី​វត្តអារាម​ដែល​យើង​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​បុណ្យ ហើយ​ព្រះចៅ​អធិការ​ក៏​បាន​ឯកភាព​ហើយ។ អ៊ីចឹង​យើង​បាន​ប្រកាស​ហើយ នេះ​ជា​ជំហរ​គណៈកម្មការ។ គណៈកម្មការ​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ទៅ​សាលា​ក្រុង​ មិន​មែន​សុំ​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​ពី​សាលាក្រុង​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​សាលាក្រុង​បែរ​ជា​ចេញ​លិខិត​បដិសេធ។ និយាយ​រួម​គឺ​នៅ​តែ​វត្ត​ចាស់ ដដែល យើង​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ដោយសារ​​ព្រះចៅ​អធិការ​លោក​អនុញ្ញាត»។

សមាជិក​គណៈកម្មការ​បុណ្យ លោក សៅ កុសល ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ៧ ខែ តុលា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី 

If the timid CNRP ever needed lessons in overcoming the CPP threats, the experience of the committee organising the 100-day commemoration for Kem Ley might offer some clue. The committee understands Hun Sen’s thinking far better than the CNRP does. When Hun Sen refuses permission for them to hold the commemoration at Wat Chas, the committee makes it so blunt to him that his objection will not stop them from proceeding. Then Hun Sen backs down.

Why does the committee decide to defy Hun Sen? They must know Kem Ley commands so much respect from so many people that it will be extremely difficult for Hun Sen to go against the people’s power. They are right.

Why does Hun Sen back down? Definitely not for the love of, or respect for, Kem Ley. He must be fearful of the people’s power that Kem Ley still commands. His armed forces would not have enough time and bullets to shoot them all. He is also right to back down in this instance. Nevertheless, he must be now working to silence the committee members one-by-one later, either through jail or assassination. His adversaries seem to be ready, anyhow.

Still, the CNRP leadership may appreciate the audacity of the organising committee only after first acquiring some backbone.

Nota Bene - It is regrettable I may be duped into using in the last Pseng- Pseng edition the photo of the Cambodia’s strong couple standing with troops reviewed by Vietnam prime minister. I assumed the photo was legit after it had been floated in the cyber space for a few years and the CPP had not bothered to shoot it down, or search and jail the photo doctor.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen Serves Two Masters Well

“តើវៀតណាមជាឪពុកខ្ញុំ ឬជាមហាក្សត្រខ្ញុំឬ? … វៀតណាមមិនមែនជាចៅហ្វាយរបស់ខ្ញុំ ដែលខ្ញុំត្រូវស្មោះត្រង់នោះទេ។”

លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃ​ទី ៣១ កក្កដា ២០១៦ ហ៊ុន សែន ​ហ្វេស​ប៊ុក

“Is Vietnam my father or my King?... Vietnam is not my master to whom I must be loyal.”

Prime Minister Hun Sen, 31 July 2016, Hun Sen Facebook

“In his meeting with Son Minh Thang, Deputy Head of the Steering Committee [for the Southwest Region], General [Dieng] Sarun [Deputy Commander of the Army, Deputy Commander of the Prime Minister's Bodyguard Unit] briefed the host on the political situation in Cambodia….”

Cambodia, Vietnam seek more cooperation, 16 June 2016, Vietnam Net

“[Vietnam’s Deputy Defense Minister] Mr. Don added that Vietnam supported all of Cambodia’s major activities, especially the upcoming 2017 and 2018 elections, and would always be there to help.”

Khmer Times reporter San Bunsim, 7 October 2016, Khmer Times

“Article 3 … His Majesty Preah Bat Samdech Preah Boromneath Norodom Sihamoni and other leaders of Cambodia expressed their deep gratitude for the strong support and assistance that generations of leaders and people of Vietnam accorded to the people of Cambodia in the past and at present, and affirmed that they always remember the assistance of the Vietnamese voluntary soldiers in cooperation with Cambodian people to liberate Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge genocide regime in 1979.”

Joint statement on the 1516 June State visit of President Tran Dai Quang to Cambodia, 16 June 2016, Vietnam Net Bridge

The answer to Hun Sen's questions is: No, Vietnam is neither his father nor his King. It might be, but it is not. Nevertheless, a more interesting question is, is he right to claim Vietnam is not his master?

Maybe; but he certainly treats Vietnam like one, and it behaves like one too.

First, there is a role for Vietnam in Cambodian internal politics. For instance, Dieng Sarun briefs his Vietnamese host about Cambodian political situations. Tran Don declares Vietnam supports and is ready to assist all Cambodian major activities including the forth coming local elections. Does Vietnam report to Hun Sen their internal affairs? Does Vietnam need Hun Sen to declare his support and assistance for its major activities? Unlikely.

Second, the Vietnamese role is more by design. Within the last four years, there have been at least five inter-State visits by Vietnam and nine by Cambodia – all led by top military and civilian officials including Hun Sen. Just in the last four months there are eight visits. Why must they be so consuming?

There are two recurring themes in those visits. First, it is to "deepen the defence cooperation” between the two nations. The deepened cooperation may well lend much credibility to reports of Vietnamese troop movements into Cambodia during border clashes with Thailand, and more recently, of a deployment of about 5,000 Vietnamese special forces into Cambodia to be ready to strike if the 2013 elections turbulence is getting out of Hun Sen’s hand.

The second is to express Cambodia’s gratitude to Vietnam. If Cambodia’s indispensable contributions towards the Vietnamese victory in the Vietnam war were counted for anything Hun Sen’s gratitude for the Vietnamese 1979 interventions could not be so much. Though, it keeps growing with the continuous deepening of the military cooperation.

Anyhow, Hun Sen’s firm stance against Vietnam’s interests in the South China Sea (SCS) disputes convinces many that Hun Sen has turned himself away from Vietnam – towards China. Has he?

It is inconceivable that, with the deepened military cooperation, Vietnam would let Hun Sen off the hook scot-free for damaging its SCS interests. He must be ready to pay anything to pacify Vietnam; Cambodia still has abundant natural resources including border land that Vietnam is drooling over.

While Hun Sen needs the Vietnamese deepened military cooperation, he also needs Chinese cash to grow, not necessarily the economy, business empires of his family and personal interest groups through corruption siphons. The cash that comes without any good governance conditions in exchange for Chinese control over Cambodia’s natural resources is more than enough to command Hun Sen’s loyalty.

Indeed, this is another Hun Sen’s win-win brilliance. The masters are thrilled with their tributes, his family and tycoons with their wealth, and local intellectuals with a continuous GDP growth. He does not have to choose between Vietnam and China; he can have both. After all, he is just one of Cambodian leaders who have perfected the art of serving multiple masters concurrently since the sixteenth century.

Ung Bun Ang

10x16

By The Way, A Postcard From Hanoi

Nguyen Tan Dung takes the honour of reviewing both his troops and his official guests Cambodia’s Strong Couple in Hanoi on 27 December 2013

With such a downtrodden Khmer courtesy greeting by the Cambodia’s Strong Couple looking for eye contact, the stern-face Vietnamese prime minister looks elsewhere, if not ignoring his official guests. How can he treat his official guests as if they represent a mere vassal state?

He seems to have received some sort of audacity boost during the Hanoi visit as a week later Hun Sen orders his armed forces to shoot into crowds of protesters on Veng Sreng Boulevard. Five are killed and more than twenty are injured in the name of law and order. Hanoi would be proud for the job well done.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen's Jumbo 747 in the Sand

“People who use this data [UN Comtrade] seem unprofessional to me.”

Ministry of Mines and Energy (MME) Acting Minister Tina Dith, 28 September 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

 

“A user has to be aware of its copyright disclaimer which states that the data is provided for internal use only and may not be re-disseminated in any form without the written permission of the United Nations Statistics Division. I believe there must be a reason to set such a policy and copyright…and I took care to not infringe on this copyright by re-disseminating any figures.”

MME Acting Minister Tina Dith, 28 September 2016, Khmer Times

 

“Your source of information [UN Comtrade], I do not trust it.”

Ministry of Commerce (MC) spokesman Soeng Sophary, 27 September 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

I believe in the "presumption d'innocence" until someone is proven guilty. I sound silly but with suspicion around, no one can work as a team. 

MME Acting Minister Tina Dith, 28 September 2016, Campro (an informal network of Cambodian professionals and intellectuals)

“Any competent authorithy want to check the previous export docs, it's always there for record [sic].”

MME Acting Minister Tina Dith, 4 October 2016, Campro

“I am not aware of any [corruption in sand dredging export]. We are all working hard to fight illegal mining, to harmonize the social cohesion between communities and mine concessionaires, to efficiently collect royalties, and develop our mining resources.”

MME Acting Minister Tina Dith, 28 September 2016, Khmer Times

So what is the CPP government up to with sand exports? Nothing really.

According to UN Comtrade, Cambodia exports 17.07m tonnes of sand to Singapore between 2007 and 2015. In the recipient ledger, however, the total shipment records more than 26 times to 72.70m tonnes. Suddenly, there is a whopping $747m variance that may or may not need investigating.

One strategy to denounce anything is to demolish the data credibility. Tina Dith argues the UN Comtrade numbers are unreliable and misleading, best suited only for unprofessional or politically motivated motives. He points to a general UN disclaimer, statement of limitations, and copyright issues. But they all are applicable to other UN publications. This could mean much UN information is not credible. The MC’s Soeng Sophary simply dismisses the UN Camtrade data all together.

Nevertheless, those unreliable UN Comtrade data must come from somewhere. Usually, they come from UN member governments who are obliged to supply them to international agencies, like UN, ADB, World Bank, IMF, etc… In this case, Soeng Sophary, who distrusts the UN Comtrade data, later produces MC documents that show its weights and dollar values are similar to the UN Comtrade data. Now the MC would appear to reject its own handiwork.

Another strategy is to argue a variance is typical. Tina Dith is right when pointing out variances between exporting numbers and recipient numbers within the UN Camtrade data base are normal. This is due to a number of factors including usual time lag between shipments leaving an exporting port and their arrival at the recipient port, unless they adopt an accrual accounting system. However, the variances at any cut-off point for any period are relatively immaterial, and can be easily reconciled in both the exporting and importing ledgers. But the variance of concern here is the jumbo $747m.

Still, Tina Dith demands the principle of presumed innocence before proven guilty from those who jump onto corruption. This principle would work if there were an investigation. But there is none.

The elephant of $747m in the room is irrelevant. Anti-corruption head Om Yentieng will not investigate unless there is a complaint. Taxation department’s Holl Thirith declines to comment on taxes collected from sand-dredging companies that are required to pay a 20 percent profit tax. MME minister Suy Sem early this year claims documentations on sand exports are securely kept with full accountability – without producing any documents. Tina Dith assures only competent authorities have access to them, pushing others into justifiable speculations. He also says the MME’s priority lies elsewhere, not the missing millions; it seems more beneficial to secure the stable door after the horse has bolted. Perhaps, a decisive factor for ignoring the elephant is that two of Hun Sen’s daughters are also involved in sand-dredging business, which is cited in the MC company register webpage before being removed in response to a Global Witness report on Hun family’s business empire.

It is the jumbo elephant of $747m in the room, buried in the sand.

Ung Bun Ang

04x16

By The Way

“[Choup Samlap] did not confess and was stubborn, because, from what I understand, our law cannot do anything to him unless we do it in a peaceful way [sic]. What I understand is, if we call in Comrade Duch, he would make a confession.”

Ministry of Interior spokesman Khieu Sopheak, 12 August 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

Is suspect Choup Samlap is really tough, or the authority is really weak? Or are they simply in the same boat with a mastermind?

The mastermind must be frustrated that the murder of Kem Ley was not cleanly executed, leaving Choup Samlap to remain a pain in the butt. When a crowd was chasing the suspect and arrested him, they had no idea what he had done. Had the mastermind planted a message in the crowd that he had just shot dead Kem Ley, the mob would have killed the suspect there and then. There would be no pressure on the authority or the mastermind to think of Comrade Duch, and to go through a whole charade of investigation and prosecution.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen’s Forum Jungle

“In the past, it was my fault.”

CPP Premier Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, Khmer Times

“He [Hun Sen] blamed the lack of on-the-ground enforcement of environmental law on bickering agencies. He blamed the slow pace of land reform on the collectivization policies of Pol Pot, who was thrown out of power more than three decades ago. And he blamed the myriad land disputes triggered by government-approved agribusiness plantations on the failure of local officials to practice his vaunted “tiger skin” policy, whereby pre-existing communities inside the plantations are allowed to keep their land.”

Cambodia Daily reporter Khuon Narim, “At Environmental Forum, Hun Sen Spreads the Blame”, 23 August 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“Previously, they logged right in front of governors, but the governors said they had no right to do anything because it was for the Ministry of Environment and Ministry of Agriculture to handle. That is why we cannot protect the forest.”

CPP Premier Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, Khmer Times

“The recommendation I gave to fully implement the tiger skin [with economic land concessions] was not followed, so the land disputes happened and forests were destroyed.”

CPP Premier Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, The Cambodia Daily

«ក្រសួង​ទាំង​៦ ដែល​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​ព្រៃ​ឈើ ឥឡូវ​ព្រៃ​ឈើ តាម​ដឹង​ វា​នៅ​តែ​បំផ្លាញ បើ​ទោះ​បី​ជា​ឯកឧត្តម សៅ សុខា ឧទ្ធម្ភាគចក្រ​ពីរ​គ្រឿង​ទៅ​ហើយ​ក្តី​ វា​នៅ​តែ​លួច​កាប់។»

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ ​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី

“What you [Thy Sovantha] have raised about officials [taking money and letting offenders go free] is true.”

CPP Premier Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, The Cambodia Daily

“Why do politicians do that [touring provinces]? Honestly, they do it for votes. When I went to visit the grassroots some people said that I just did it for votes. Of course, I would like to declare that I went to find votes.”

CPP Premier Hun Sen, 23 August 2016, Khmer Times

Some intellectuals who blame the opposition for the culture of dead dialogue between the two major parties hail the 22 August Forum on Protection and Conservation of Natural Resources. Their excitement is that the Forum includes all except opposition politicians whom they say are troublemakers. Their monomania is that Hun Sen is the only saviour or problem-solver, without realising that the man may be the problem.

However, the question is: will the Forum produce the desired protection and conservation? Unlikely.

First, the five-hour Forum fails to allow a sufficient interactive exchange of ideas. “Forum” is usually defined as an assembly for an open discussion of subjects, not a soliloquy. It is hardly a discussion when Hun Sen mostly monopolises the microphone, digressing into politics and berating his political opponents for issues outside the agenda.

Second, the premier demonstrates how little he understands why he fails. Though Hun Sen admits it is his fault that the natural resources have been destroyed, he goes on to deflect blames onto others, including Pol Pot who would turn over in his grave if he heard Hun Sen implicating him for the destructions. Back to the living, Hun Sen implies provincial governors and ministers do not know their roles and responsibilities. He describes the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries as having “one head and three tails”, which resembles the beast his regime has recently been compared to. The admission of fault is not sincere, and the excuses are irresponsible.

Third, his prime-ministerial authority has been undermined; his initiatives to combat the forest destructions flop. His orders and recommendations are largely ignored. General Sao Sokha, to whom Hun Sen has given two helicopters, machine guns, and a direct order to shoot illegal loggers, has taken numerous helicopter rides, but not fired a single round. Hun Sen’s “tiger skin” recommendation to avoid land disputes is overlooked. He says illegal loggings and land disputes are continuing unabated.

Hun Sen seems to have learnt very little from his experience. At the Forum he briefly acknowledges corruption issue, and swiftly moves away from it, though many believe it is a major root of his failure. The dilemma is that Hun Sen, his family, and personal interest groups have benefited from the corruption in the environmental destructions, and he relies on them to sustain his position to the extent that he must turn a blind eye. If he declared his family’s income and assets, he would go a long way to arrest many problems.

Hence, the Forum becomes just another audience with the premier in which he amenably grants various requests. This is awfully similar to the manner Hun Sen gives away grants by the seat of his pants during his recent provincial tours. Incidentally, he sounds upbeat when confirming at the Forum that the tours are his political opportunities to ask for votes.

Only naïve intellectuals would fail to see the politics of Hun Sen hunting for votes in the Forum jungle, long before the hunting season legally opens.

Ung Bun Ang

26viii16

By The Way

Another non-environment initiative at the Forum Hun Sen says he is taking is to build communities along the border. He has rejected this idea for nearly 20 years when General Ke Kim Yan requested the border development in 1999.

Why does he change his mind, though only the dead don’t? Does he really mean it, or is it just a political campaign to gain votes in the commune elections next year and the national elections the year after?

Perhaps, any answer may be irrelevant, as many will now have another excuse to wait and see if Hun Sen this time keeps his words. The wait will take the pressure off Hun Sen whose track record of doing anything to interrupt the power and wealth accumulation for himself, his family, and personal interest groups is not so hot.

An excerpt from a report on border situations by the then RCAF Commander General Ke Kim Yan, 12 August 1999. It lists three out of ten requests in the report. (Full report is available on request.)

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Kem Ley’s One Crowded Hour

“I am happy to confront it [risk].”

Analyst and researcher Kem Ley, personal email to Ung Bun Ang, 27 April 2016

“One crowded hour of glorious life is worth an age without a name.”

British officer and poet Thomas Osbert Mordaunt (1730-1809)

Kem Ley is a defiant soul, and gets straight to the point when it comes to facing risks surrounding his social development endeavours. As usual, his above statement is sharp, short, and unambiguous. He may be well aware of the Mordaunt’s quote, and is committed to putting every one of his breathes to a good use for Cambodians. While many of his contemporaries see as unacceptable risks, Kem Ley sees them as opportunities – to make things right by and for the people of Cambodia.

As a qualified researcher he relies on surveys scientifically conducted whenever possible. He is not a drunk who uses statistics as a lamp post – for support rather than illumination. He believes gathering and sharing of accurate information will help reduce destructive and unnecessary frictions in any contest.

His personal observations also play a large role in gathering information and in formulating his ideas. He travels widely and frequently into remote areas of the country, and conducts countless conversations with villagers.

His analyses and criticisms are largely positive. For instance, after Global Witness publishes its third major report recently, Kem Ley suggests the CPP make use of all the three to its advantages by addressing major issues they raise. He says this would help earn them popularity and votes, and keep any oppositions at bay. However, the CPP does not share that positivity. It simply dismisses those reports as lies and something sinister.

His deep understanding of issues facing Cambodia and his straight talk convey clear messages to his audiences. And going by reactions to his demise and a lengthy funeral service, the public has embraced his contributions. The fact that his messages are coming through is the cause for concern to those would rather see him quiet.

Kem Ley has – as lateral thinker Edward de Bono would put it – a beautiful mind. His Facebook page is packed with fascinating ideas. One of Kem Ley fables collection tells of a long-term Viet settler contemplating changing her vote from her ruling party CPP to the opposition. She says a current large influx of new settlers from Vietnam make it hard for her to compete with them in making a living. Another captivating story of his speaks of a fish swimming downstream in the Mekong river. The fable says it may now be happy but it will drop dead as soon as it hits the sea where the freshwater ends. Another riveting fable recounts a conversation between the haves and the have-nots. The haves tell the have-nots to be happy with what they have, and to be patient as their party is delivering. The have-nots say they want what the haves have – beautiful cars, villas, and young wife; they retort what more do the haves want?

Ultimately, Kem Ley shows it is not the years in his life that count; it is how he lives the life in his years. He has crowded glorious ideas and activities into his one fine hour that will prick Cambodian conscience for generations.

Ung Bun Ang

18vii16

By The Way

Within twelve hours of Dr Kem Ley’s death, a local intellectual with all their wisdom and sensitivity doubted if Kem Ley, who was known to be ready to sacrifice his life in his endeavour, had bought any life insurance for his family.

Anyway, it is not certain if any honest persons, like Kem Ley, who commit themselves to righteousness and a better society could be so calculating for self-interest.

Nevertheless, would any life insurers write such a risky policy with affordable premiums? Would they honour the policy when the risk is arguably cut from the same cloth as suicide?

Still, from the intellectual’s financial gain prospective, Kem Ley’s preferred life policy is being paid out with influxes of financial contributions to his family from all over the world, wherever Cambodians live.

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Hun Sen Gets It Ready

12vi16

“He [Hun Sen] started this dialogue a few years ago but he just didn't believe in it. It's not his style. Monologue is his style. And it was Sihanouk’s style, and Jayavarman VII’s style. Those guys don’t do dialogue.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

«សម័យ​នេះ​គេ​សប្បាយ​ណាស់។ កាល​ពី​សម័យ​ខ្ញុំ ទើប​វា​ពិបាក អាយុ ៨​ឆ្នាំ សង្គ្រាម​កើត​ឡើង ត្រូវ​បង្ខំ​ចិត្ត​ធ្វើ​ទាហាន របួស ៥​ដង ខូច​ភ្នែក​ម្តង។ ត្រង់​ហ្នឹង​ហើយ​ដែល​ខ្ញុំ​មិន​បណ្តោយ​ឲ្យ​ជន​ណា​ក៏ដោយ ទោះ​បី​អាសិរពិស​ប៉ុនណា​ក៏ដោយ បំផ្លាញ​នូវ​សន្តិភាព​ដែល​យើង​រក​បាន​ទាំង​លំបាក។ អត់​អនុញ្ញាត​ទេ។ តម្លៃ​ណា​ក៏ដោយ​ដែល​ត្រូវ​បង់ គឺ​បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការពារ​សន្តិភាព បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការ​អភិវឌ្ឍ បង់​ថ្លៃ​ដើម្បី​ការ​រីក​ចម្រើន​នៃ​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​កម្ពុជា គ្រប់ៗ​រូប»។

លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ៧ ខែ​មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី 

“អ្នកឯងចង់ទៅដេកកន្លែង៤ម៉ែត្រ៤ជ្រុង ទៅដេកទៅ។ គ្មានអាណាគេថាអី។”

លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ៧ ខែ​មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ ខេមបូឌា ដេលី

“Just use violence, get people scared, and that’s what Hun Sen has done. But I think he’s scary… I’m never going to say on your program or anywhere else that Hun Sen should be overthrown by force, but he is not going to be overthrown any other way.”

Monash Emeritus Professor David Chandler, 16 May 2016, Voice of America

“We can call it a hotel or detention centre. The prisoners and the families who have money, they can [pay] rent and stay there.”

Deputy Prime Minister & Interior Minister Sar Kheng, 29 March 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

“We can rent [luxury facilities] to those who have money… They [the criminals] are used to living in good conditions and they may want to continue living in good conditions. So they have that option.”

Spokesman for the Interior Ministry’s General Department of Prisons, Nuth Savna, 29 March 2016, The Phnom Penh Post

Premier Hun Sen has three major options to deal with the current challenge to his power: talking with his opponents, keeping Kem Sokha holed up, and storming the CNRP headquarters to arrest the man.

The talk option sounds sublime, though both do not even agree if there is a crisis. Nevertheless, a successful talk may result in more family dinners and new glorified titles for all concerned. There are numerous would-be unpalatable compromises, bitter past experiences, and enormous egos that need constant massaging, keeping the culture of dialogue dormant. And Chandler is convinced that these “guys don’t do dialogue”.

Letting Kem Sokha coop up in the headquarters is not viable beyond short term. Though the premier says nobody cares about Kem Sokha being trapped there, he does – he would look powerless. Court cases and summons are being piled up, and all would become a joke unless Kem Sokha is forced to face the music. For a regime that takes so much pride in its own brand rule of law, such blatant resistance is intolerable. Hun Sen must choose soon what he respects – his rule of law, or Kem Sokha’s defiance; otherwise, even his supporters will see that he is indecisive and not as powerful as he wants them to think.

Hence, the storming choice becomes increasingly attractive. This will show Hun Sen’s raw power – that he is in control. There will be clashes that may prove bloody for those who honour their vow to stand between guns and Kem Sokha. Yet, Hun Sen says he will foot “any costs” to protect what he calls his hard-won peace and development from threats his opponents like Kem Sokha represent.

There are two possible outcomes from this option. If the armed forces can overcome Kem Sokha’s devout supporters, Kem Sokha will be thrown in jail. It may be a bit rough for him to move from what Hun Sen describes as a four-metre-by-four-metre space in the CNRP premises to an overcrowded cell of a penal system built for 8,500 inmates but actually accommodating over 17,500. It will not be his first time, though. He has been there, and still deciding it is worth his while to keep on challenging Hun Sen.

Nevertheless, if CNRP had Plan B that would invoke people’s power minus non-violence, Chandler’s claim that only force can overthrow Hun Sen would be tested. Sometimes only the language of violence will make violent people like the premier understand the audacity of those who have nothing to lose.

Hun Sen is jumpy; he must feel an aura of the people’s power. Suspicions rule his actions when he has even the smallest meetings broken up to ease his mind. As an insurance policy he has approved a new prison that offers hotel facilities equipped with air-conditioning and presumably, gourmet menus, the construction of which begins this month. If the people’s power overwhelms his armed forces, Hun Sen will then have somewhere to live a life that he is accustomed to without drastic adjustments.

Ung Bun Ang

12vi16

By The Way

According to CPP spokesman Sok Eysan, Ban Ki-moon “governs” more than 200 countries. Does he really? The UN secretary-general plays many roles, but governing member states is definitely not one of them. At the last count, the number of the UN member states is 193, not over 200. He should take some time to verify facts, in lieu of flying on the seat of his pants, before opening his mouth.

Does Ban Ki-moon base his concern for the widespread intimidations and harassments in Cambodia on factual errors like Sok Eysan in his rebuke? Is Ban Ki-moon so bewildered by the bombings and killings in the Middle East that he loses his sense of reality in Cambodia? 

«រាល់​បញ្ហា​ដែល​កើត​ឡើង​រហូត​ដល់​អ្នក​ខ្លះ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ អ្នក​ខ្លះ​ជាប់​ឃុំ ហើយ​នៅ​ក្នុង​នីតិវិធី​តុលាការ​នេះ គឺ​អាស្រ័យ​ទៅ​ដោយ​បុគ្គល​ទាំងអស់​នោះ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​ល្មើស​ច្បាប់។ អ៊ីចឹង​ខ្ញុំ​យល់​ថា អាច​ឯកឧត្តម បាន គីមូន ត្រួតត្រា​ប្រទេស​ជាង ២០០​ប្រទេស។ ដូច្នេះ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ចន្លោះ​ប្រហោង​ខ្លះ ឬ​មួយ​មមាញឹក​ទៅ​រឿង​មជ្ឈិមបូព៌ា​កំពុង​តែ​ទម្លាក់​គ្រាប់ កាប់​សម្លាប់​គ្នា​ហុយ​ផ្សេង​ [sic]នោះ ក៏​មិន​ដឹង ​បាន​ជា​មើល​ឃើញ​សភាពការណ៍​កម្ពុជា អាច​យល់​ច្រឡំ​យ៉ាង​ដូច្នេះ ។»

អ្នក​នាំ​ពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា លោក សុខ ឥសាន ថ្ងៃទី៩ មិថុនា ២០១៦  វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី  

Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng

Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com