Revival of Hun
Dynasty?
“... ហើយពូអត់ខ្លាចអ្នកណាបំពុលទេ អត់ខ្លាចអ្នកណាបំពុលទេ ហើយខ្ញុំមិនជឿ
លើកលែងតែពួកភេរវជនដែលចង់អោយពូស្លាប់។ មិនដឹងថាមានការអីកើតឡើង កុំភាន់ច្រឡំណា៎ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញកម្ពុជា
ខ្ញុំកំពុងតែគិតគូរ កែឬមិនកែ។ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញរដ្ឋកម្ពុជា គេប្រើពាក្យអញ្ចេះ នៅពេលដែលដំណែង
នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីនៅទំនេរជាស្ថាពរ គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមួយត្រូវរៀបចំឡើងវិញ។ មានន័យថាម៉េច?
មានន័យថា បើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស្លាប់ គឺរដ្ឋាភិបាលអាលាយតែម្ដង អាលាយ។ អត់មានអ្នកណាធើ
នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្ដីទី បានទេ អត់មានទេ អាហ្នឹងត្រូវអោយច្បាស់នៅកន្លែងហ្នឹង ត្រូវអោយច្បាស់។”
នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា ២០១៩ យូធូប
“ហើយឥឡូវនេះពូជាប្រធានបក្សផង ជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីផង អញ្ចឹងអ្នកណានឹងស្នើអ្នកណា
ជាបេក្ខភាពនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ជាអ្នកណា? ... រឿងមិនមែនលេងសើចទេណា៎ មិនមែន លេងសើចទេ។ ដល់អត់ពីហ៊ុនសែនទៅ
ត្រួតត្រាមិនបាន រត់ជាន់ជើងគ្នា រឿងហ្នឹង។”
នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា ២០១៩ យូធូប
“តិចរដ្ឋមន្រ្តីបន់អោយនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្លាប់ រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីបន់អោយនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្លាប់
មានដំណែងហ្នឹង ស្មើបន់អោយឯងអស់សក្តិនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីដែរ ត្រូវច្បាស់ណា នៅត្រង់ហ្នឹងរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញចែងច្បាស់
ហើយ អាចំណុចហ្នឹង។... បើសិនជាពូងាប់ វាអត់ មាននរណាតែងតាំងនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្ដីទីកើតទេ
អញ្ចឹងរដ្ឋាភិបាលហ្នឹងវាអាលាយ បណ្ដោយ។ អញ្ចឹងកុំបន់អោយហ៊ុនសែនងាប់អី កុំបន់អោយហ៊ុនសែនងាប់អី។”
នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា ២០១៩ យូធូប
It seems the Hun dynasty is ready to re-emerge after disappearing
for over a thousand years. Remember the legend of Preah Thong and Neang Neak who
establish the first royal dynasty in Nokor Phnom of the pre-Angkor era?
Contemporary Chinese envoys Kang Tai and Zhu Ying call them “Hun Tien”, Liu Ye,
and Funan respectively. If Hun Sen has his way, there will be a second coming
of the Hun dynasty.
Hun Sen is flagging another butchering time for the Constitution
as if it has not been through enough in the past decades. Previous ones are for
Hun Sen to control the country while alive; this time seems to ensure he can
run it from his grave, albeit via a proxy; hence, a revival of the Hun dynasty.
Hun Sen says the Constitution needs amending because it has no
provision for replacing a dead or permanently-absent premier. He claims without
an amendment there will be power vacuum that leads to chaos after his demise.
He is dead wrong, at least on the first account.
The Constitution indeed has adequate provisions to address Hun
Sen’s pretext. In the event of a permanent vacancy, Article 125 of the
Constitution refers to Article 119 that spells out how a premier is installed.
It requires the president and two vice-presidents of the National Assembly to
forward their premier nomination to the king who will then send the nominee and
a new government to the National Assembly for a vote of confidence before a
royal assent is promulgated. If the three legislature dignitaries all dropped
dead at the time, which is highly unlikely, the Constitution might need some
tweaking. Still, a powerful Hun Sen can arrange that outcome when necessary –
like what he has it done to Hok Lundi, Kem Ley, Chut Wutty, and other distractions.
Why does Hun Sen choose to misrepresent the Constitution and circumvent
Article 119 and 125?
From his perspective, the main problem with these articles is
that they deprive him of power to nominate his successor; they only come into
play after his demise. This is unacceptable to any autocrat who aims to control
worldly affairs from their grave. He wants to ensure his eldest son Manet
succeeds him as premier. And he doubts if Manet ever will, without the amendment.
Hun Sen is aware of internal CPP exasperations. First, he warns his
government ministers not to wish him dead, which means some of them must have
done so behind his back. He points out the obvious that they will lose their
ministerial position when the government must dissolve upon his death. Second,
a secret ballot Hun Sen conducts last January within the CPP Central Committee
shows they prefer Sar Kheng as the next premier. Once they are convinced that
Hun Sen is dead and will not resurrect, the National Assembly – dominated by
the CPP Central Committee members – may ignore Hun Manet under Article 119.
Yet, Cambodia may end up with a hereditary premiership in a non-hereditary
monarchy. How weird.
Ung Bun Ang
24iii19
Fake News You Can Use
Sar Kheng makes his drug bursts so simple that you don’t have to
be smart to understand. In fact, it is easier to understand if you are less
smart.
He says there is only one policeman who is single-handedly
responsible for the 50 kg of drugs stacked away in the Club Rock. He is now on
the run, and Sar Kheng asks he give himself up for some clemency. For the more
than 500 kg of drugs that have been confiscated since 2018, this unlucky law
enforcer is the only one Sar Kheng is after. This is a drug bust with such a
surgical precision that must be a model for the rest of world.
The bugger must be wondering why he is the only one sacrificial
lamb in the patronage system that is deeply-rooted all over the government
echelons.
«ដូចខ្ញុំបាននិយាយនៅ (សាលា) រាជធានី ថា ក្នុងប៉ុន្មាននាក់ហ្នឹង
ឥឡូវយើងឃើញថា មានប៉ូលិសមួយ ដែលកំពុងតាមរកចាប់ខ្លួន។ មានដីកានៅ។
មានដីកាហើយ។ គេចទៅណាក៏អត់រួចដែរ។ រឿងរកស៊ីគ្រឿងញៀន គេចទៅណា
ក៏មិនរួចដែរ។ បើថា ល្អ មកបង្ហាញខ្លួនមក។ វាអាចថា
មានការបន្ធូរបន្ថយអ្វីខ្លះ ក្រែងតុលាការបន្ធូរបន្ថយ ខ្ញុំមិនដឹងទេ
ប៉ិនគ្រាន់ថា បើថា គេចទៅណា ក៏គេចមិនរួចដែរ។ យើងស្គាល់អត្តសញ្ញាណ
ស្គាល់អ្វីអស់ហើយ។»
រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ ស ខេង ថ្ងៃទី១១ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី
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