Sar Kheng Runs Red Light

«មូលហេតុ ដោយសារកត្តាសំខាន់ ៣យ៉ាង គឺកត្តាកំណើន យានយន្តប្រមាណ ៣៧% កត្តាហេដ្ឋារចនាសម្ព័ន្ធដែលមិនទាន់មានតុល្យភាពនឹងកំណើនយានយន្ត និងកត្តាឥរិយាបថរបស់អ្នកប្រើប្រាស់ផ្លូវដែលមិនគោរព[ច្បាប់] និងការអនុវត្តច្បាប់ស្ដីពីចរាចរណ៍ផ្លូវគោកមិនបានម៉ឺងម៉ាត់ ។»

ប្រធានគណៈកម្មាធិការជាតិ សុវត្ថិភាព ចរាចរណ៍ផ្លូវគោក ស ខេង ថ្ងៃទី២៧ ខែ​  មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

«ទាំងអ្នកបើកបរស្រវឹងក៏ដោយ រីឯអ្នកប្រើគ្រឿងញៀន គឺឈប់ឲ្យបើកបរ១ជីវិតតែម្ដង ព្រោះគ្រឿងញៀន វាមិនអាចព្យាបាលជាសះស្បើយបានទេ អ៊ីចឹងបើរកឃើញនៅក្នុងក្រុមហ៊ុនណាប្រើប្រាស់អ្នកបើកបរមានគ្រឿងញៀន គឺក្រុមហ៊ុនហ្នឹងត្រូវតែមកទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះមុខច្បាប់។ គឺយើងត្រូវតែដកសិទ្ធិហ្នឹង ចំពោះអ្នកញៀនគ្រឿងញៀន គឺលែងឲ្យបើកបរ១ជីវិតតែម្ដង។»

ប្រធានគណៈកម្មាធិការជាតិ សុវត្ថិភាព ចរាចរណ៍ផ្លូវគោក ស ខេង ថ្ងៃទី ២២ ខែ ​មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

“When there are small packages it means that there are large packages being hidden somewhere. This is why we have to continue tackling the drug trafficking issue by cracking down on small-scale distribution in order to find out where the drugs were produced and stored.”

Deputy Premier Sar Kheng, 25 November 2019, Khmer Times

After a spell of apparent frustrations, Sar Kheng announces there are three major factors behind an ever-growing disastrous road tolls: a 37% increase in vehicle number, imbalance between road infrastructures and the vehicle number, and disregard for traffic rules and enforcements.

His announced measures to reduce future road tolls are most likely to fail, again. For the third factor, he urges all road users to respect the traffic rules; he instructs his officials to be diligent in enforcing them, and all establishments to increase public education campaigns on road rules and usage. These measures are nothing new, and the disastrous traffic statistics show they have been ineffective. Sar Kheng offers nothing to ensure a different outcome. Then, there are no measures against other two factors as if they will sort themselves out. Or, they are not the factors that need addressing.

Sar Kheng is so bewildered that he excludes some crucial factors from his crosshairs. First, according to his Committee’s statistics, a whopping 89% of the accidents that claims an average of 5.4 lives per day involves riders/drivers who either do not know traffic regulations or blatantly ignoring them, or both. The do-not-know are among those who ride a less-than-125cc motorcycle, which accounts for about 80% of the total accidents. Hun Sen has, since 2017, exempted them from having a driving/riding license and lowered a legal driving age from 16 to 15. The inverse correlation between the increasing fatality rate and lenient regulations is striking. The number of deaths has risen by 15.4% while they have been in effect from 2017 to 2019. Is Hun Sen the reason for Sar Kheng’s omission of this disastrous interference?

Second, Sar Kheng chooses to ignore an epidemic corruption that compromises everything, including integrity of traffic law enforcement. It may not be possible to overstate impact of the lax law enforcement on the road tolls. As CPP has been using the corruption to enrich their elites, it would be quite awkward for Sar Kheng to tackle it in traffic enforcements. Though drugs also cause road accidents, Sar Kheng is satisfied with arrests of small-time distributors and end-users of drugs, leaving alone major drug dealers. He must know these drug barons, like Kit Theang, are well-connected, and thus untouchable. Anyhow, the government has just rejected the latest assessment by Transparency International that places Cambodia at the bottom of the corruption barrel.

He may run out of humanly options to reduce the toll, but he still has divine interventions. Indeed, provincial governors and officials have been holding, since 2018, religious ceremonies to ward off road mishaps. The deity has not responded, but the prayers help those officials to feel good and hopeful in the face of the persistent policy and implementation failures.

Still, Sar Kheng instructs his law enforcement officials to act responsibly as if he knows what it means. If he knew where the buck stops, he would resign. He will run the red light as usual, just like the way he lets riders/drivers do.

Ung Bun Ang

30i20

Funny News You Can Read in Tears

Sok Eisan has a point in his rejection of the 2019 Corruption Index recently released by Transparency International (TI). It gives Cambodia a score of 20 out of 100 and ranks it at 162 out of 180 countries. He says these TI mobs could be “Eisei” – with a possible relation to Eiso or himself, Eisan – to come up with such specific numbers from some hundred thousand kilometres away.

However, Sok Eisan accepts that Cambodia is corrupt. He merely questions the extent of the corruption. He would fight tooth and nail to get TI to go consult Eisei Oum Yien Tieng (OYT) about his handy work at the Anti-Corruption Unit.

As there has not been much coming out of that unit, Sok Eisan must think Eisei OYT has waved his magic wand to make juicy cases disappear, leaving only the CPP elite sneaking around searching for a second passport.

So, nosy people, move on; there is nothing see here.

«យើង​គ្រាន់តែ​ដឹង​ថាមាន​អំពើពុករលួយ តែ​ត្រង់​ថា ខ្លាំង ឬ​ទាប ដាក់​ចេញ​ជា​ពិន្ទុ​បាន លុះត្រាតែ​វា​មាន​តួលេខ​ថា អ្នកនេះ​ពុករលួយ​កម្រិត​នេះ អ្នកនោះ​ពុករលួយ​កម្រិត​នោះ បាន​យើង​បូកសរុប​ទៅ​ចេញ​ជា​តួលេខ ហើយ​បើ​អត់​តួលេខ ចេះតែ​ឈរ​មើល​ពី​ចម្ងាយ​ចឹង​ទៅ​។ អ្នក​វាយ​តួលេខ​ហ្នឹង​ប្រហែល​វាយ​រាប់ម៉ឺន​គីឡូ​ពី​កម្ពុជា​។ ខ្ញុំ​ឆ្ងល់​ដែរ​ប្រហែលជា​ភ្នែក​ទិព្វ​ត្រចៀក​ទិព្វ​ហើយ​មើល​ទៅ ជំនាន់​ព្រះ​ជិនវង្ស​បាន​គេ​មើល​ដឹង ប្រហែល​លោកតា​ឥសី​ហើយ ទើប​មើល​ស្គាល់​អ៊ីចឹង​នោះ​។ ខ្ញុំ​មិន​ជឿ​ទេ ការវាយតម្លៃ​ហ្នឹង គឺថា​មិន​ផ្សារភ្ជាប់​នឹង​ការ​ជាក់ស្តែង​ទេ គឺ​គ្រាន់តែ​ស្មានៗ ដូច​គ្រូទាយ​អ៊ីចឹង ។»

​អ្នកនាំពាក្យគណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា សុខ ឥសាន ថ្ងៃទី២២ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

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Hun Sen Plays Heredity Card

“ខ្ញុំគួរយក​ឱកាសនេះដើម្បីបញ្ជាក់ជូនបន្តិចថា ខ្ញុំត្រូវការពេលវេលា១០ឆ្នាំទៀតដើម្បីកាន់ដំណែងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា… គេ [ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត] ក៏ត្រូវរង់ចាំរហូតដល់ទៅក្រោយឆ្នាំ២០២៨ ឬក្រោយឆ្នាំ២០២៩​ ឬរហូតដល់ឆ្នាំ២០៣០ ទើបអាចប្រឡូកនៅក្នុងតួនាទីជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបាន។ ជាការបញ្ជាក់ហើយបញ្ជាក់ទៀត បើឪពុកវាកំពុងតែធើ តើកូនមានលទ្ធភាព តើមានលទ្ធភាពឯណា មកដណ្តើមអំណាចពីឪពុក? អ្វីដែលខ្ញុំគូស ត្រូវបញ្ជាក់ថា​ ប្រទេសយើងជាប្រទេសប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ មិនមែនជាប្រទេសដែលផ្ទេរពីអំណាចពីឪពុកទៅកូន តាមរបៀបមួយដូចជានៅប្រទេសខ្លះនោះទេ ត្រូវឆ្លងកាត់ការបោះឆ្នោត។ មួយវិញទៀត បើទោះបីជាឪពុកចាកចេញនៅពេលនេះ ក៏ប្រហែលជាមិនទាន់ដល់ពេលវេន  ដែលកូនមកកាន់ដំណែងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ក្នុងពេលដែលមេ​ដឹកនាំក្នុងប្រទេសជាសហការីរបស់ខ្ញុំនៅពេលនេះ​ កំពុងតែស្ថិតនៅទីនោះដែរ។ ដូច្នេះប្រាកដណាស់ថា​ យើងត្រូវគិតគូរអំពីរបៀបដោះស្រាយបញ្ហាផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់យើង។​”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃទី១៤ មករា ២០២០   វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

After having sent his main opposition into coma, Hun Sen is now negotiating with fate when he says he wants another ten years so that he can remain a premier. This is not to effect or oversee any long-term strategic plan that would benefit the weak and vulnerable. He just wants to hang around long enough to be certain his son Manet inherits a family-owned property he would incorporate, “Cambodia Inc”.

He is confident that he will, during the next decade, sail through two democratic charades: CPP nominations to stand as a prime minister candidate for two more general elections; and assured victories in both polls. He has more than enough control to ensure the CPP Central Committee and the National Election Committee will bow to his wishes and deliver. Many of Hun Sen’s opponents belittle this power as they are naïve enough to entertain a noble aspiration that their parties, whether comatose or alive, can topple Hun Sen at elections he cannot afford to lose.

Another thing that Hun Sen is sure of is the current senior CPP elite would be not receptive to Manet taking over the premiership. A secret ballot he tightly conducted and controlled in January 2019 – he has kept the outcomes to himself – shows a majority of the CPP Central Committee of about 900 members favours Sar Kheng as his successor, not Manet. Hun Sen had asked them to select one among Manet, Sar Kheng, Aun Ponmoniroth, Say Chhum, and Prak Sokhon. Hun Sen reminds his son that while those seniors are still around, it is not his turn for the job; he says party’s internal issues would need to be managed. This is where the Hun Sen ten-year wait comes in. He hopes time will ensure dissenting seniors fall off the perch – if not having one foot in the grave – assuming of course that his own health permits him to linger on.

Hence, while claiming his democracy does not allow position heredity from father to son, Hun Sen openly manipulates the CPP to make Manet his dynastic heir. Could he afford to let Manet make his own moves? Unlikely. The family business and accumulated wealth must be protected at all costs.

Then, does Westpoint graduate Hun Manet have a killer instinct to, in his father explicit words, “snatch” the power from his father without the ten-year delay? The father says he doubts it. Hun Manet may agree with this lack-of-faith assessment of his ability and waits for his daddy to hand him on a silver platter the Cambodia Inc.

Without the killer instinct, however, Manet will struggle to keep under control his rivals, both inside and outside the CPP. His father will have left so numerous loose ends spread like a deadly cobweb that could overwhelm him.

However, Manet might be lucky. The oppositions may enjoy the coma so much that they become brain-dead. His omnipotent father could either do a Mahathir here-I-am-back-from-the-edge-of-the-grave trick or rise from his grave and take him in hand.

Ung Bun Ang

20i20

Funny News You Can Use

Now it is clear why the trial of Kem Sokha for treason must be virtually in the dark. According to Ministry of Justice spokesman Chin Malin, those who are interested in the case have a short attention and interest span with limited capacity to understand legal complexity that usually comes with a trial charade.

Besides, Chin Malin says the government is short of money and technology to allow more than some 30 people to hear and witness the trial. That is right, the government is broke after Hun Sen has just thrown a dinner and entertainment party for some six thousand journalists. These are the people Hun Sen lauds to be a government partner for development and agent of truth.

Hence, the fact that they are not at the trial means either the court is conducting only a monkey business, not worth reporting with accuracy and truth, or their brain capability is limited to enjoying free food and drinks and ingratiating themselves with Hun Sen.

«ការដែល​នាំគ្នា​បង្ហាញ​ក្តី​កង្វល់​ព្រួយ​បារម្ភ​គឺជា​ការ​ចង់​ជា​ការ​ជ្រួលជ្រើម​តាមតែ​ការ​នឹកឃើញ ដូច​បទពិសោធន៍​នៅ​សាលា​ក្តី​ខ្មែរក្រហម គឺ​ពី​ដំបូង​គឺ​ចង់​អ៊ីចឹង​ណាស់ សំខាន់​ណាស់ ដល់ពេល​គេ​ឱ្យ​ចូល​មើល​គ្រប់គ្នា​ទៅ ដំណើរការ​នីតិវិធី​វា​ស្មុគស្មាញ​វា​វែង ក៏​លែង​មាន​អ្នក​ចូល​ទៅ ហើយ​គេ​ឡាយ​ផ្ទាល់​ឱ្យ​មើល​ទៅ ក៏​មិន​មាន​អ្នកមើល​ទៀត។»

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​ក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌ ជិន ម៉ាលីន ​ថ្ងៃ​ ទី១៦  ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០

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The 7 January Unstoppable?

"After studying the [Cambodian] situation, we [Vietnamese] have decided that Cambodian officials only know how to bribe and be bribed. Offices are sold; nobody carries out orders; everyone works for his own account."

General Truong Minh Giang reporting to Vietnam Emperor Minh Mang, 1834, David Chandler, (2008), A History of Cambodia. 4th Edition. Westview Press, Page 150

"… ហើយខ្លួនខ្ញុំផ្ទាល់… សុទ្ធតែអំពាវនាវហើយ មិនថាពេលណា យប់ណា ថ្ងៃណាទេ លោកណា.... ដែលមកជួយ  ឱ្យលាងអាចម៏ម៉ាជិវិត ក៏សុខចិត្តដែរ ឱ្យតែមកសង្រ្គោះ ឱ្យរួចជីវិត។"

អ្នកនាំពាក្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា សុខឥសាន ថ្ងៃ​ទី ២ មករា ២០២០ ខ្មែរថែម     

Uncle Ho would be smiling in his grave and be proud of his descendants who have patiently carried out and materialised his federation plan to bring Cambodia and Laos into a Vietnamese controlled Indochina. A magic wander would work a lot faster, but a slow uninterrupted progression, like the fable of boiling frog with increasing heat, has suited them just as well. The Cambodia and Laos frogs have been adapting themselves without realising they are being cooked.

Best of all, Uncle Ho, his ancestors, and his descendants understand and exploit well a propensity for bribes of Cambodian government leaders and elites. It is a trait that has not changed for centuries. World Justice Project places Cambodia 125^th out of 126 countries in its 2019 Rule of Law Index, which includes corruption assessment. Corruption Perceptions Index 2018 of Transparency International ranks Cambodia 161 out of 180. They show, first, there is not much further down for Cambodia to go; second, an optimist would say once it hits the bottom there will be nowhere to go but up.

With the corruption backdrop, the Hun Sen regime is totally committed to a subservient relationship with Hanoi that facilitates an inevitable subjugation. Exchanges of visits, land concessions, border demarcations, military and police co-operations, and various treaties with Hanoi are frequent, but details are obscure. The CPP spokesman promises to wipe Vietnam’s arse for life for saving his life when glorifying Vietnamese 7 January actions. Hun Sen and others have persistently shown they share this sentiment and honour the Eisan wipe. They trivialise Cambodia’s vital role and contributions that help secure their savour’s victory in the Vietnam war – mainly due to their corruption mentality Vietnam has depended upon to enjoy a free ride.

The grabs for money and government positions have blinded Cambodian elite for centuries, no matter how well-educated they are. A high-profile pragmatist of the Campro network that groups over 500 of Cambodian intellectuals is confident that contemporary Cambodia equipped with higher education certificates, unlike their far less-educated ancestors, will stop a further loss of territory and Khmerness to Vietnam. He ignores impacts of corruption and greed that have made wealthy many of the Campro pragmatists. He assumes while Cambodian elite are gathering these degrees, their Vietnamese counterparts remain stagnant.

Now, with their new founded degrees, they have turned corruption into an art form creating opportunities in an unprecedent scale for making money – deforestation, sandmining, unvetted foreign investments, second rate constructions and infrastructures, etc… A comprehensive list is heart-breaking.

Hence, the Hun Sen regime has secured an unstoppable 7 January.

Those who want to at least slow it down must realise their counter plans and actions so far have been ineffective. They ought to try some new ideas, bearing in mind that Hun Sen has already been in the process of getting a young generation under his son to continue the Eisan wiping every time after Vietnamese get their bowel movement. They cannot keep doing the same things and expect a different outcome.

Ung Bun Ang

7i20

Funny News You Can Use

The chairman of the working group to construct the Win-Win Monument to glorify Hun Sen’s legacy is either lying or incapable of adding up. If it were true that the number of visitors to this Monument is more than 3,000,000 over a year, the daily average would be about 8,219 visitors, not the ridiculous low numbers he throws up. Or the whole year number is far less.

If he is not lying, then it is a negligence for such a simple arithmetic error, which is not unusual considering massive building defects that have already brought down several buildings in Cambodia. The latest statistics is that of 1,156 constructions, 27 have been demolished, 636 builders are required to sign a promise to comply with building regulations, as if they are optional.

“ក្រោយសម្ពោធជាផ្លូវការអស់រយៈពេល១ឆ្នាំមកនេះ មានប្រតិភូទាំងក្នុងនិងក្រៅប្រទេសសាធារណ ជន ជាតិនិងអន្តរជាតិនានា ចូលទស្សនានិងសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវ មានចំនួនជាង៣លាននាក់។ ក្នុងនោះ អត្រាប្រជាជនចូលទស្សនា គិតជាមធ្យម ក្នុង១ថ្ងៃ៥០០នាក់ ទៅ ១៥០០ នាក់។ ដោយឡែក នៅថ្ងៃ បុណ្យជាតិនិងថ្ងៃឈប់សម្រាកនានា ចំនួនចូលទស្សនាកើនឡើងគួរឱ្យកត់សម្គាល់ ពី ១០០០ នាក់ ទៅ ៣០០០ នាក់ ក្នុង១ថ្ងៃ ។”

ប្រធានក្រុមការងារសាងសង់វិមានឈ្នះឈ្នះ ណឹម សុវត្ថិ ថ្ងៃ​ទី ១ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

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