The Royal Laughing Academy of Cambodia

 

«​បើ​យើង​មិនបាន​ទទួលយក​មតិ​ពី​មហាជន​ទេ គឺអាច​មានមតិ​ប្រតិកម្ម គេ​ថា យើង​អ្នក​បំផ្លាញ​ភាសា មិន​ខាន​ទេ​​។ … កាលណា​ពាក្យ​ខ្មែរ​ចេញទៅ​មិន​ស្រួល គឺមាន​ទំនាស់​គ្នា​។»

អនុប្រធាន​ក្រុមប្រឹក្សាជាតិ​ភាសា​ខ្មែរ នៃ​រាជបណ្ឌិត្យ​សភា​កម្ពុជា សន ពៅ ១៦ ធ្នូ ២០២១ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

Welcome to a Royal Laughing Academy of Cambodia. It is a successful deformation within a decade of The Royal Academy of Cambodia (RAC), which is revived in 1999 to be the top national institute for academic research of all kinds of value to the country.

 The latest comical episode is when one of RAC units, National Council of Khmer Language, appeals for public inputs into spelling and pronunciation of foreign words Cambodians have borrowed. They say the appeal is to seek “unity” in adapting those foreign words into Khmer and in usage.

This experts appeal is very amateurish, however. First, they are so melodramatic. They say they are confident that without public inputs they will be accused of destroying the Khmer language. Second, they warn that without a consensus, there will be conflicts. San Peou of the Council points to a lingering dispute since the 60’s in Khmer language between followers of linguistic giant Samdech Venerable Choun Nat and those devotees of linguistics professor Keng Van Sak. The former group favours traditional way of protecting and developing Khmer language with Pali and Sanskrit as bases. The latter advocates for a modernisation and simplification of the language. For instance, Keng Van Sak would explain with humour that the traditional spelling of អាចម៍ represents an Indian excrement, not Khmer’s; the Khmer one would be a simple អាច់.

How could the RAC be so wrapped up with this “consensus” mentality? There are always different ideas in developing anything; after all, language is an art that will evolve with time, place, and people. The issue is how skilful linguistic experts are in framing new words and convincing users to follow and respect their language authority.

Still, this consensus mentality is consistent with what Hun Sen has enriched. There has been a consensus in all the government branches: legislative, executives, judicial. Not only are they flooded with members of a single party, but they are also dictated by a single person.

Sadly, the RAC has veered from a technical institution to a full-blown political mouthpiece for the autocrat. They sing chorus and praises to whatever Hun Sen cares to dish out. They must be fearful that the slightest critical view would damage Hun Sen’s consensus bandwagon or trigger revolutions.

The RAC, as a research and academic institution, is a complete wreck. For instance, they issue glorified honorifics and PhD graduates, which go like hot cakes, until Hun Sen sees some sense and puts an abrupt stop to it. They claim in October to have published a contemporary Khmer dictionary Volume 1. But no bookstores have ever seen, let alone stocked, it. Even the National Library of Cambodia, which is mandated to archive all published materials in the country, has yet to set eyes on it. Perhaps, they are withholding the publication because they have just realised, they must wait for a consensus for the sake of unity that has eluded them in this work.

Indeed, the RAC is a laughing academy, if not in ruins.

Ung Bun Ang

21xii21

 

Alternative Comments You Can Smile On

Lee Kuan Yew once warns after his retirement that he will keep his watchful eyes on Singapore like a hawk, even after his death. He says he will rise from the grave and kick those who have mismanaged the country.

It is worth pondering what would Prince Sihanouk do if he saw what his son did to his Funcinpec party he had founded and led to the 1993 election victory. Would he kick his son or himself?

However, it might be some consolation for the Prince in some way. It is rather flattering that there are still devoted members who hold the party in utmost value as they are now scrambling among themselves fighting for a piece of the party wreckages even after his son’s death. They must be antique collectors who could spot values for the next century.

The sad thing is that the CPP court, where the Funcinpec devotees have brought their contestation to, could not care less. It tells them to nick off, and they dutifully agree.

 

“ការសម្រេច​លើកចោល​មិន​ចាត់ការ​របស់​សាលាដំបូង​រាជ​​ធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​លើ​បុគ្គល​ទាំង ៤ ​រូបនោះ គឺអាច​ទទួលយកបាន និង​ត្រឹមត្រូវ​ស្របតាម​ច្បាប់​។ ចំពោះ​ការបន្ត​ប្តឹងទៅ​ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ​ទៀត វា​ជា​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​អ្នក​ទាំង ​៤ ​រូបនោះ ប៉ុន្តែការ​សម្រេច​យ៉ាងណា វា​អាស្រ័យ​លើ​ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ​។”

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ហ្វុ​ន​ស៊ិនប៉ិច ញឿ​ន រ៉ា​ដែន ២០ ខែ ធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ ២០២១ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

 

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Hun Manet’s Obstacle Course

 

«… ហើយមួយទៀត និយាយប្រាប់ហ្អែងអោយច្បាស់ ហ្អែងនិយាយពីរឿងកូនអញ អញប្រកាសង៉ៃនេះតែម្តង គាំទ្រកូនអោយធើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបន្ត (សម្លេងទះដៃ) តែមិនមែនអ្វីពីការក្រៅការបោះឆ្នោតទេ ត្រូវបោះឆ្នោត។ … ខ្ញុំចង់ផ្តាច់ បង្ខំចិត្តប្រកាសយកបណ្តោយ ហ៊ុន ហ៊ុនម៉ាណែតជាបេក្ខភាពមួយក្នុងចំណោមបេក្ខភាពនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហើយឪពុករបស់វាគាំទ្រ​(សម្លេងទះដៃ)។ និយាយអោយហ្អែងច្បាស់អញ្ចឹងទៅ កុំអោយហ្អែងពិបាកវិភាគពេកអា៎ បើហ្អែងវិភាគទៅ វា វា វាយ៉ាប់ពេក។ អញ្ចឹងប្រាប់ហ្អែងអោយត្រង់ថា គាំទ្រអោយកូនឯងធ្វើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី បើហ្អែងប្រឹងតស៊ូទៅ ហ្អែងប្រឹងទៅ។​»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី២ ធ្នូ ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

 

Hun Sen seems ready to quit. Then again, he may not. He has often spoken of retirement with a kind of timeframe that could see him leave the job in a box.

On a recent outburst, he nominates for the first time his eldest son Manet as his successor. He declares he is no longer hesitant about the nomination and rules out any of his contemporaries for the top job. He sounds confident when he asks in a lordly tone what anyone can do to him in response to his bold nomination move. Yet, several days later he issues caveats for the nomination: no wrongdoings by the nominee, sons of other elite can also run for the job, and he will be hanging around for two more terms. The man appears unsettled more than ever.

Thus, Hun Manet’s obstacle course begins with his father’s disregard for what he says. A self-esteemed Manet would have no regard for his father’s words. The poor man gets dressed up but has nowhere to go anytime soon.

Nevertheless, Manet’s possibly fatal challenges will come when his benefactor becomes infirm. The question is how he will then manage his opponents’ greed and lust for power. They all know and long for the powerful office that has comes with absolute impunity since the start of the country’s history.

The first in line to chop Manet down is a sibling rivalry. His brother Manith is head of the military intelligence unit that can dig out scandalous information for blackmailing. It is the kind of power that makes many US presidents and presidential candidates fearful of a mere FBI director Edgar Hoover; that has swept KGB chief Vladimir Putin into a long-term power in Russia. Though Manith has yet to declare his interest in the job, another brother parliamentarian Hun Many is more forthcoming; he declares in 2016 that his goal is to become the prime minister. However, Manith and Many have for now declared their support for their brother’s nomination. Machiavelli would advise one stand behind someone one declares one supports so that it will be easy to knife them at the back.

The next rivalry group, should Manet ever survive the sibling rivalry, is children of the current top elites: Sar Kheng, Say Chhum, Tea Banh, etc. They were born and bred in greed and privileges, which may propel a few of them to launch a dogfight for the ultimate prize.

Then again, Manet may overcome all these hurdles with flying colours. His father may pass on a dynastic bloodline that is characterised with political shrewdness and ruthlessness that has kept all his CPP contemporaries in straight jacket. It is the bloodline that will do far more than repressing their political rivalries. It is like that of Khmer autocratic rulers in the past millennium: power abuse and misuse with absolute impunity embedded with a chronic parasite mentality that depends on foreigners to attain and to remain in power. These bloodlines have caused untold damages to Cambodia. 

Ung Bun Ang

21xii21

Alternative Facts You Can Use

Hun Sen makes two points in his 2 November outburst that may draw some interesting implications. First, Manet is not raised to become head of thieves, and he has the bloodline to rule. Second, he renews his warning to those who spread a rumour that Manet is a son of well-respected Vietnamese revolutionary, army general, diplomat, and politician Le Duc Tho that they will not escape his wrath.

Hun Sen would have a hard time explaining how and why he and those around him have accumulated so much wealth with their miserable legitimate incomes, if not from some forms of theft. Would prime minister Manet follow suit because of his bloodline?

Why does he dig up the rumour again after five years of dormancy? Only him can explain why he chooses now to kick the sleeping dog. The rumour has frustrated Manet so much that he suggests he and his father undergo DNA tests to prove once and for all that they are blood related. Hun Sen has refused, which may imply he is not the father.

If it is true that Le Duc Tho is Manet’s biological father, and the bloodline prevails, there will be no difference between Hun Sen’s bloodline or Le Duc Tho’s. Cambodia is stuffed.

 What comes to mind is John Lennon’s “Imagine there’s no countries…”

« និយាយអោយច្បាស់ថ្ងៃហ្នឹងតែម្តងអោយអស់ បណ្តុះបណ្តាលកូនមិនមែនយកអោយធើមេចោរទេ។ ប្រទេសគេដទៃ គេសូម្បីតែជប៉ុនក៏គេមានពូជរបស់គេដូចអាប៉េ ជីតារបស់អាប៉េគឺជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហើយដែលធ្លាប់មកទស្សនកិច្ចស្រុកខ្មែរ ថាឪពុករបស់អាប៉េគឺរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេស រហូតដល់អាប៉េគឺធើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ធើទាល់តែអាប៉េសុំឈប់ខ្លួនឯង ហ្វូកូដាក៏អញ្ចឹងដែរ។ គឺមានពូជធើនយោបាយបស់គេ។…កូនម៉ាណែតកូនរបស់ឡេឌឹកថ ការប្រមាទមួយនេះ ពួកហ្អែងអត់រួចខ្លួនទេ ប្រាប់អោយហើយ។»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី២ ធ្នូ ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

 

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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com