A New Year Gift Hun Sen Does Not Deserve

“We must acknowledge that CNRP supporters and activists in Cambodia are facing difficulties. They find it hard [to carry out their activities]. They are really concerned. They get lost and get confused about the future of the party.”

CNRM co-founder Sam Rainsy, 16 January 2018, Radio Free Asia

“ចលនាសង្គ្រោះជាតិ សម្រួលច្រើនណាស់ ខុសគ្នាឆ្ងាយណាស់ពីគណបក្សនយោបាយ ព្រោះចលនា ជាក្របខ័ណ្ឌថ្មីមួយ ក្នុងនោះ អាចធ្វើការបាន ដោយគ្មាននរណាអាចប៉ះពាល់ឬ រំលាយចលនាបាន សូម្បីតែលើក្រដាសក៏មិនអាចរំលាយបានដែរ មិនចាំបាច់ទៅចុះឈ្មោះ ទៅសុំច្បាប់ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ ។”

អតីតប្រធានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ សម រង្ស៊ី ១៧ ខែ​ ធ្នូ ២០១៧   ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍​ 

“… បើគ្រាន់តែខ្ញុំចូលទៅ ចាំតែបាញ់សម្លាប់ខ្ញុំ ចាំតែចាប់ខ្ញុំ ដាក់គុក តើបាន ប្រយោជន៍អ្វី? ខ្ញុំ អត់ចង់ធ្វើ វីរបុរសស្លាប់ វាអត់ប្រយោជន៍ ដូចលោក កែម ឡី គេបាញ់សម្លាប់ទៅ យើងស្រឡាញ់គាត់ យើងគោរពវិញ្ញាណក្ខ័ន្ធគាត់ ប៉ុន្តែ វាអត់ប្រយោជន៍។ ខ្ញុំជឿថា ស្លាប់ឥឡូវនេះ វាអត់ប្រយោជន៍ ជាប់គុកវាអត់ប្រយោជន៍។ ប៉ុន្តែបើយើងទុកសមត្ថភាពរបស់យើង ធ្វើការជាក់ស្តែង ជាវិជ្ជមាន ដើម្បីបម្រើប្រទេសជាតិ វាមានប្រយោជន៍ជាង។ ដូច្នេះ ខ្ញុំរង់​ចាំឲ្យមានការបើកផ្លូវ។”

អតីតប្រធានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ សម រង្សី វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ ថ្ងៃទី២ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៧

“He [Kem Sokha] cannot express his support for, and even less join, the Cambodia National Rescue Movement ... It would be very dangerous for him to do so given the fact that he is in [Prime Minister] Hun Sen’s hands while the CNRM’s declared objective is to bring an end to Hun Sen’s authoritarian rule.”

CNRM co-founder Sam Rainsy, 21 January 2018, The Phnom Penh Post

There are a few worrisome indications that a new opposition offshoot called CNRM is ill-conceived and ineffective, if not killed off first by Hun Sen’s generals. It is effectively to replace the CNRP its former president claims to be defunct with confused and disoriented followers. It appears that he and Hun Sen can only build up an organisation that lasts only when they are in charge. Hun Sen says without him at the helm, Cambodia will have civil wars.

Anyhow, the decision-making process to establish the Movement is exclusive. The Movement is announced on 14 January, yet co-founder Eng Chhai Eang says a committee meeting about it takes place only five days later – perhaps after a backlash from other prominent CNRP members including the jailed president. It is rather baffling that while the co-founder dismisses the president’s objection as a decision not based on sufficient information due to his imprisonment, the Movement is founded without canvassing opinions of all CNRP quarters, especially the president.

Given the Movement’s five-point mission plan, the CNRP could perhaps execute it more successfully – without the internal conflicts the Movement has whipped up. After all, prominent activists would remain the same and followers would not be confused and divided, which would help recruit fresh ones.

The founders say the Movement has no organisational structure. If this means it has neither chiefs nor Indians, all activists – incognito or otherwise – will become solo performers without on-the-ground leadership or coordination. It will be like letting headless chooks running around, giving Hun Sen’s trigger-happy generals and courts a field day.

The unstructured Movement offers no security to its activists, particularly those in Cambodia, despite its claim that they will enjoy a full right and freedom. Of course, it will be unregistered in Cambodia; but a non-registration or registration elsewhere does not mean its activists will be free from Hun Sen’s persecution. His generals have already come out in droves to denounce the Movement as a terrorist group. Yet, Sam Rainsy is certain that “no-one will dare to take actions against us”. Thus, activists inside Cambodia responding to his calls must hope he is dead right.

The Movement says it is committed to non-violence in their activism to follow footsteps and struggles of Gandhi, Luther-King, and Mandela. Somehow, it ignores the fact that Gandhi is jailed 13 times, Luther-King 29 times before both are assassinated; and Mandela is jailed for 27 years. Meanwhile, the Movement co-founders duck their jail terms and jail prospects, opting instead for a remote control from their exile comfort. They are very critical of those who sacrifice their life, like Kem Ley, in their struggle for justice and freedom; they denigrate Kem Sokha’s objection to the Movement as a mere selfish act to avoid pressures in jail.

Overall, Hun Sen must thank his lucky star for the surprise New Year gift that inevitably incapacitates his formidable opposition. He may reward losers with royal pardons so that they can help legitimise the July elections that he will win.

Ung Bun Ang

2ii18

By The Way,

How would a psychopath respond to the following fervid plea? By clinical definition, a psychopath is someone who enjoys a thrill of witnessing or inflicting pains on their weak prey and victim.

As expected, CPP stalwart Chheang Vun wastes no time in stepping up his attacks on former commune chief Sin Chanpeou Rozet. He links her small food stall business to CNRM – a spin-off of Rozet’s disbanded CNRP.

Any kind of plea to any psychopath will fail as they see it as a weakness. The psychopaths understand only the power of strength. Will they see any strength in the new Movement that splits the CNRP right in the middle?

« ការ comment របស់លោកអ៊ុំ (ឈាង វុន) នេះ ពិតជាមានបំណងចង់បិទហាងខ្ញុំ ឬមួយធ្វើមិនឲ្យមានភ្ញៀវ ហ៊ានចូលហាង ឬមិនចង់ឲ្យខ្ញុំរស់នៅចិញ្ចឹម អ្នកម្តាយជរាម្នាក់បានទេ ។ តើលោកអ៊ុំ អាចអនុគ្រោះ ឲ្យក្មេងស្រីម្នាក់នេះ រស់នៅជាមួយអ្នកម្តាយចាស់ជរាម្នាក់ផងបានទេ? ឬត្រូវឲ្យនាងខ្ញុំរត់ទៅណាទៀត ? លោកអ៊ុំអើយ! ក្មេងស្រីម្នាក់នេះមាន បន្ទុកធ្ងន់ណាស់! បើខ្ញុំចេញទៅណាចោលអ្នកម្តាយ គឺស្មើនឹងខ្ញុំសម្លាប់អ្នកម្តាយខ្ញុំ ដោយដៃនាងខ្ញុំ ។»

អតីតចៅសង្កាត់អូរចារពីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ កញ្ញាស៊ិន ចាន់ពៅរ៉ូហ្សេត  ២៩ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨ ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្ដិ៍

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