Friday, 22 February 2019


Hun Sen’s Successor: Sam Rainsy or Sar Kheng?



​​“This is why I need to say this again and again – while Hun Sen is holding power, a coup will not happen.”

Prime Minister Hun Sen, 25 January 2019, The Phnom Penh Post



«បើខ្ញុំឲ្យហ៊ុនសែនចាប់ខ្ញុំ ខ្ញុំក្លាយ ទៅជាកែមឡី ខ្ញុំក្លាយទៅជាកឹមសុខា។ ឥឡូវកែមឡីជាវីរបុរសមែន ប៉ុន្តែកែមឡីមានបានជួយប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ឲ្យរំដោះខ្លួនពីរបបផ្ដាច់ការមកដល់ពេលនេះទេ? អត់ទេ។ លោកកឹមសុខាឲ្យហ៊ុនសែនចាប់ ឥឡូវនេះរងការឃុំឃាំងពីពន្ធនាគារ មកឃុំឃាំងក្នុងផ្ទះ អត់មានសេរីភាព តើជួយរំដោះប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ បានទេ? ជួយទៅ បំផុសបំផុលអន្តរជាតិបានទេ?... ខ្ញុំមិនទៅឆោត ឲ្យគេចាប់ងាយៗ ឲ្យគេសម្លាប់ងាយៗ ទេ។ យើងធ្វើអី យើងត្រូវតែលៃលកឲ្យ មានលទ្ធភាពឈ្នះ ឲ្យប្រជារាស្ត្រឈ្នះ យើងរៀបចំផែនការណាមួយដែលជោគជ័យ យើងមិនទៅធ្វើ លេងៗ ឲ្យគេកម្ចាត់យើងងាយៗ អ៊ីចឹងទេ។ បំណងរបស់ខ្ញុំ គឺចង់ឈ្នះដោយសន្តិវិធី។

ប្រធាន​ស្តីទី​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ សម រង្ស៊ី ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៨ ខែកុម្ភៈ ​ ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍



“គ្រប់​ជ័យ​ជម្នះរបស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា មិន​មែន​កើត​ឡើង​ដោយ​សារ​តែអច្ឆរិយ​បុគ្គល​ណា​មួយ​ឡើយ តែ​គឺ​ជា​ការ​ប្រមូល​ផ្តុំ​នូវ​ការ​ខិត​ខំ​ប្រឹង​ប្រែងរបស់ថ្នាក់​ដឹក​នាំ និង​ការ​ចូល​រួម​គាំទ្រ​ពី​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ ។”

រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ក្រសួង​មហាផ្ទៃ ស ខេង ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី១១ ខែកុម្ភៈ ​ ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ


“គេមិនយកកម្លាំងយោធាទៅអនុវត្តន៍ដីកាទេ... មានអី នឹកយោធា ​ទៅប្រើយោធា  រដ្ឋច្បាស់អន្តរធាន ហើយ... យើងគិតតែមួយជ្រុង ពីយើងកាន់អំណាច ប៉ុន្តែកាន់អំណាច វាមិនមែនអាងទៅលើកំភ្លើង នោះទេ។ វាមិនមែនអញ្ចឹងទេ មិនមែនទេ។ ស្ថានការណ៏ឥឡូវនេះ គឺយើងលេងអញ្ចឹងអត់បាន ហើយទៅមុខនេះ រឹតតែមិនបានទៀត។”

រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ ស​ខេង   ថ្ងៃទី១៣​ កុម្ភៈ ២០១៩   វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី



Hun Sen has issued a stern warning: while he is charge, no coup d’état will ever happen, let alone succeed. He may or may not be right. There are two possible sources of a coup: Sam Rainsy revolt or a CPP insider.

The revolt is unlikely, despite a cacophony surrounding Sam Rainsy’s talk of going home. First, he is risk-averse, incapable of capitalising on what usually arises from jailed and/or dead heroes. He claims dead heroes like Kem Ley, cannot help liberating people from dictatorship. He says jailed Kem Sokha cannot and does not influence international opinions or actions.

Obviously, he trivialises impacts of jailed or dead heroes, like Gandhi, Mandela, Luther King, Aquino, etc… that initiate turning points in the world. He fails to fully appreciate why the US and EU currently put pressures on Hun Sen. Then again, for each dead or jailed hero in human history, there are thousands of politicians who are nothing more than just political irritations to their nemesis.

Second, Sam Rainsy still speaks of peaceful means when opposing a mafia-like Hun Sen whose ruthless killing is legendary. He may forget his previous humiliating encounters with Hun Sen when offering his written apologies to his nemesis in exchange for Hun Sen’s peace and mercy.

Sam Rainsy says he is waiting for a right moment to return.

Perhaps, after a CPP implosion that has tormented Hun Sen.

CPP’s Sar Kheng has already opened fires. First, he claims all the CPP victories have not been achieved by any single extraordinary person; they have come from a collective effort of the whole CPP leadership. Sar Kheng must be disgusted with the recently inaugurated Win-Win Monument that glorifies only Hun Sen. He demands the local media refer to the Royal Government of Cambodia, not “Hun Sen” government.

Second, Sar Kheng, who controls the police force, takes a firm stance against military groups that commit violent crackdowns on victims of land disputes in Preah Sihanouk and Kratie provinces. Even though he knows the military is under a full control of Hun Sen’s son and his close cohorts, Sar Kheng pulls no punches when declaring that powerful people cannot use armed forces to serve court orders. He is adamant they cannot rely on their guns, not now, not in the future. He has drawn a line in the sand.

A bad omen for Hun Sen is that Ministry of National Defence spokesman Chhum Socheat comes out to support Sar Kheng’s position. This should not, however, surprise Hun Sen as he knows Sar Kheng is well-connected. A secret ballot Hun Sen conducts in early January reveals the almost 1,000 members of the CPP Central Committee prefer Sar Kheng, not Hun Manet, as their next premier.

Anyhow, while it is uncertain who will be left standing after a duel of the CPP titans, the risk averse Sam Rainsy will miss out. A new Sar Kheng government would be unlikely to welcome him home and his role. He may remain a political outcast.


Ung Bun Ang
22ii19


Fake News You Can Use


After his trip to China, Hun Sen agrees to sit down with Pseng-Pseng Frank Chat.


FC:    According to you, Sire, your recent trip to China is very successful. Congratulations.
HS:   Yes, I rake in the Chinese yuan by the billion, and Xi’s special assurance that China will remain behind me all the way to fight the EU and US nonsensical trade pressures on me.

FC:    How did you convince China to do so much for you?
HS:   I reported to Xi, among other issues, the political situations in Cambodia after the general elections, government reform programs, my determination to prevent external interference into Cambodia’s internal affairs, and my request for more Chinese investors in Cambodia.

FC:    Did President Xi report to you internal political situations in China and his government programs for China?
HS:   No, he didn’t. Why should he? You must know China is a sovereign State adhering to a principle that it allows no foreigners, including me, to meddle in its internal affairs.

FC:    But why do you report Cambodian problems to China if, like you say, Cambodia is a sovereign state?
HS:   Well, you need to put out your dirty linen for your benefactor to see that you really need their assistance and what they can do to help.

FC:    So, when you ask foreigners for help sort out Cambodian internal affairs it is not an interference; otherwise, they are meddling. Is that right?
HS:   Yes, just like when I asked Vietnam to come in. It is a quintessence of my win-win policy – Vietnam wins, and I win.

FC:    Is it true that the CPP Central Committee choose Sar Kheng, not your son Manet, to succeed you?
HS:   Yes, but you know only my opinion counts.

FC:    Sorry, Sire, I must run now. I can hear something ticking…





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Monday, 11 February 2019


Sar Kheng Standing Behind Hun Sen



«ឥឡូវគាត់លេងផែនការចូលមក ៥០/៥0។ សម រង្ស៊ីអ៊ី ចេះអាចប្រថុយប្រថាន។ ប៉ុន្តែប្រថុយប្រថានពេលហ្នឹងឥឡូវ យើងយ៉ាងម៉េច? គណបក្សនេះ គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិសព្វថ្ងៃ អត់មានទេ។ អត់មានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិទេ ជាផ្លូវច្បាប់។ សម រង្ស៊ី ទៅធ្វើប្រធានស្តីទីគណបក្សដែលអត់មាន នេះ។ អាហ្នឹង យើងយល់ថាម៉េច? គណបក្សវារលាយបាត់ហើយ វាអត់មានគណបក្ស ហ្នឹងទេ។ មានចុះបញ្ជីនៅក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃឯណាទៀត បើតុលាការលុបបាត់ហើយ។ គាត់ទៅធ្វើប្រធានស្តីទី ជាផ្លូវច្បាប់ អ្នកណាទទួលស្គាល់?។ អត់ទាំងបានចុះបញ្ជីនៅក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃផង ឲ្យគេទទួលស្គាល់! បើចុះ ក៏យើងមិនចុះឲ្យដែរ។»

រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ក្រសួង​មហាផ្ទៃ ស ខេង ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី២៨ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍



Deputy Prime Minister Sar Kheng (SK) agrees to sit down and chat to Pseng-Pseng Frank Chat (FC). The following is an excerpt.

FC: Welcome to Frank Chat.
SK: It’s my pleasure to be frank.

FC: Your statement above shows you are going all out to ensure Sam Rainsy will not return. Why?
SK: There is no need for him to put himself at risk. There will be some changes in Cambodia.

FC: Oh, how so?
SK: Are you aware that the CPP Central Committee chooses me to succeed Hun Sen, not his son Hun Manet?

FC: Yes, but how did you know that when Hun Sen had hijacked the ballot box and counted the votes himself at home?
SK: Of course, one of my narks informed me of the outcome.

FC: Were you surprised that you were the chosen one, not his son?
SK: No.

FC: Why did Hun Sen hijack the ballot box though?
SK: You must understand the man has been worried sick about the current situation, especially an ever-growing frustration within the CPP. He is holding a time bomb close to his chest; and it is ticking.

FC: Why does he hold it close to his chest?
SK: Well, he’s in charge. He has been calling all the shots, hasn’t he?

FC: When do you think it is going to explode?
SK: Not if I can help it. Because if it does, not only Hun Sen and his families that will go into pieces, so too will the whole CPP including me. I must take charge to defuse it.

FC: Many people believe you are standing behind Hun Sen all the way.
SK: Indeed, I am. They say only a true friend stabs you in the front. I would prefer doing it from the back.

FC: Hun Sen has disarmed all troops particularly those deployed at the borders; all weapons throughout the country are appropriated, stored, and locked in warehouses. And Hun Manet has the key.
SK: There is always an Achilles heel in any person or organisation.

FC: Hun Manet is building up his elite troops with new recruits. His father removed many once-trusted generals from top positions like dead heaps.
SK: That is one of the most important triggers that tick away the bomb.

FC: When is the right time to make your move?
SK: When the internal tension reaches the point of no return, I will take over just before the bomb explodes. The overthrow will give a distinct impression to everyone that there will be changes, or something different is on the card. The US and EU pressures would somewhat dissipate to give the new regime a breathing space. It could be a long breathing space for my pig (Personal Interest Group).

FC: In this scenario, where is Sam Rainsy? He is now asking the people to rise.
SK: Yes, against Hun Sen, not against me. Sam Rainsy could wait until I work out how the 2023 elections will deliver me pre-determined results.



Ung Bun Ang
11ii19



Fake News You Can Use


So, according to Dr Ky Sereyvuth, director of Centre for China Studies of the Royal Academy of Cambodia, there are strings attached to all foreign aid, except some are, some are not. Yeah, right. Does the director know what he is talking about? His mind must be wandering in awe around the enormity and generosity of the Chinese aid.

The muddled doctor also assures his Radio France Internationale listeners that there are only winners in trade – no losers. He may be right for a PhD who adores every ounce of Chinese aid.

Nevertheless, it is uncertain if the director is ignorant, or ignores to mention that a country – in his field of Centre study China – with a huge and persistent trade surplus with Cambodia is a “better” winner – much better than its partner that carries a chronic trade deficit years after years.



“ជំនួយណាក៍មានចំណងដែរ គ្រាន់តែជំនួយខ្លះមានចំណង ជំនួយខ្លះអត់ចំណង។ ”

ប្រធាន​មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល​សិក្សា​ចិន​នៃ​រាជ​បណ្ឌិត​សភា​កម្ពុជាបណ្ឌិត គី​ សិរីវឌ្ឍន៍   វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ ថ្ងៃទី២៣ មករា​ ២០១៩



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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

Saturday, 2 February 2019


Hun Sen’s Imaginary Arrest



“ខ្ញុំសុំយកឧកាសនេះ ដើម្បីទម្លាយនូវអាថ៌កំបាំងមួយដែលអ្នកដ៏ទៃមិនបានដឹង។ ប៉ុន្តែ ឥស្សរជននៅទីនេះមួយចំនួនបានដឹង: ឯកឧត្តមទាបាញ់ ឯកឧត្តមកែគីមយ៉ាន ឯកឧត្តម ប៉ុលសារឿន។ ខ្ញុំនិងឯកឧត្តមប៉ុលសារឿនក្នុងឋានៈជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ជាប្រធានក្រុម ប្រឹក្សារដ្ឋមន្ត្រីនៅពេលនោះ ហើយឯកឧត្តមប៉ុលសារឿនជានាយអគ្គសេនាធិការ នៅ ពេលនោះ ត្រូវបានគេចាប់ឃុំក្នុងផ្ទះរួចស្រេចទៅហើយ។ ប្រហែលជានេះជាព្រឹត្តិការណ៍
ដែលអ្នកការទូតទាំងឡាយ និងប្រិយមិត្តបរទេសអាចដឹងយល់អំពីបញ្ហានេះ។ គឺនៅថ្ងៃទី២ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ ឯកឧត្តមប៉ុលសារឿនត្រូវបានគេចាប់ឃុំនៅក្នុងផ្ទះមុនខ្លួនខ្ញុំ។ បន្ទាប់ ទៅ ខ្ញុំក៍ត្រូវ ជាការធ្វេសប្រហែសដ៍ធំមួយរបស់ខ្ញុំ ដែលបានធ្វើដំណើរទៅកាន់ផ្ទះអ្នកដ៍ទៃ ហើយមានតែតៃកុងឡានម្នាក់និងមានអង្គរក្សម្នាក់ ខ្ញុំក៍ត្រូវបានចាប់ឃុំក្នុងផ្ទះ។ ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំក៍ បានប្រាប់ទៅអ្នកដែលចាប់ខ្ញុំឃុំនៅក្នុងផ្ទះថា ដើម្បីជៀសវាងការបង្ហូរឈាម ខ្ញុំសុខចិត្ត ចាកចេញពីដំណែង ហើយប្រគល់ឲ្យអស់លោកធ្វើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបន្ត ព្រោះអ្នកទាំង នោះមិនព្រមទទួលស្គាល់លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនោះទេ។ ដូច្នេះដើម្បីនឹងដោះស្រាយ បញ្ហារបស់ពួកគេ គឺចាប់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន ដែលជាអ្នកយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រធំបំផុត របស់ គណបក្សប្រជាជនតែម្តង។ ខ្ញុំបានប្រាប់ថា យើងមិនអាចធ្វើយ៉ាងដូច្នេះទេ កុំជៀស ដើម្បី ជៀសវាង ការបង្ហូរឈាម។ ល្ងាចនេះ នៅម៉ោង៦ល្ងាច ខ្ញុំនឹងប្រកាសលាលែងចេញពី ដំណែង ឲ្យរដ្ឋសភារបស់អតីតរដ្ឋសភារបស់រដ្ឋកម្ពុជានៅសេសសល់ សុំបោះឆ្នោតជ្រើស រើសនាយក រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីថ្មី។ ពេលនោះខ្ញុំនៅចាំបានថា ឯកឧត្តមទាបាញ់ និងឯកឧត្តម កែគីមយ៉ាន បានប្រតិកម្មយ៉ាងខ្លាំង ហើយបានបញ្ជាក់ថា ប្រសិនបើមានការលាលែងពី ដំណែងរបស់ខ្លួនខ្ញុំ ការបង្ហូរឈាមមួយនឹងត្រូវចាប់ផ្តើម។ ដូច្នោះបំណងប្រាថ្នានៃការចាប់ ខ្លួនហ៊ុនសែន ដើម្បី នឹងសំរេចនូវការបំផ្លាញចោលលទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ ដែលរៀបចំដោយ អ៊ុនតាក់ គឺមិនត្រូវបានសំរេច តាមរយៈការជួយសង្គ្រោះ ដែលខ្ញុំសុំយក ឧកាសនេះ ថ្លែងនូវការអរគុណចំពោះអ្នកទាំងឡាយ ដែលជាពិសេសឯកឧត្តមទាបាញ់ ឯកឧត្តមកែគីមយ៉ាន ដែលជួយសង្គ្រោះខ្ញុំនៅក្នុងកាលៈទេសៈដ៍លំបាកនោះ។ ...​ ខ្លួនខ្ញុំទទូច ឲ្យមានទទួលស្គាល់ ឲ្យទទួលស្គាល់នូវលទ្ធផលនៃការ បោះឆ្នោត បើទោះបីជាការចាត់តាំង ការបោះឆ្នោតដ៍ស្មោគគ្រោករបស់អ៊ុនតាក់ ក៍ប៉ុន្តែ យើងត្រូវតែទទួលស្គាល់នូវលទ្ធផលនៃ ការបោះឆ្នោតនោះ។ ដោយសារភាពរឹងរូស របស់ខ្ញុំនេះហើយ បានជាខ្ញុំត្រូវទទួលនូវការចាប់ខ្លួន។”

នាយក​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រី​ ហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃទី​២៤​ មករា​ ២០១៩    ​​វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ




As it turned out, not only did Hun Sen stay he forced his way to remain in power post-election. The new government had to include Hun Sen as a second prime minister to avoid his threat of secession and renewed war.

If the story were true, Hun Sen would be a committed democrat of Kneenex tissues type – thick and soft. He says he told the party to accept the elections’ results, notwithstanding, he says, the “filthy” process. Only those with rocks in their head would accept a loss in a filthy election, while only autocrats and dictators would welcome any elections they win, no matter how dirty they are.

Hun Sen cannot be the Kleenex tissues type. After all, he proclaims himself to be a CPP top strategist. He often refers to conniving schemes and plots he has learned so well from Chinese epic The Three Kingdoms. He has climbed to the top within a communist hierarchy for fourteen years prior to the UNTAC elections. In that period, Hun Sen enjoys absolute power for eight years under a ten-year close control and mentoring of the Vietnamese communists. Would any autocrats or communists like Hun Sen give up power so readily? Unlikely.

Thus, why does Hun Sen choose to reveal this fiction? Why now?

Perhaps he wants others to believe he is a democrat, and more importantly, to agree that democrats ought to accept elections’ outcomes, no matter how filthy their processes are. He can say he has. This would mitigate enormous pressures put on his regime by the EU and US that value little his brand of democracy. It cannot be a comfort for Hun Sen to witness the thrust of western democracies’ intervention in a current political upheaval in Venezuela supporting the country’s opposition and demanding a fresh election. It seems like a disaster being unveiled for an already-anxious Hun Sen.

Perhaps the fiction is just a relief valve for Hun Sen to cope with the intensifying pressures from various quarters. His constant display of power – vulgar verbal abuses, assassinations of critics, movements of troops and military hardware, shootings of demonstrators, intense persecutions of members of the court-dissolved opposition party, and harassments of dissidents, seems only to worsen his stress. The accumulated tensions he has brought upon himself over the years may eventually be enough to push him over the edge.



Ung Bun Ang
02ii19



Fake News You Can Use


It is time some PhD surrounding Tea Banh or the West Point graduate broke their balls answering the minister’s question in the following quotation: a regular election alone does not sufficiently constitute democracy.

While they are putting their neck on the chopping block, they might as well tell the minister to give the international communities some intelligence. They cannot be that stupid to believe everything the small group of his opponents tell them. Tea Banh needs to know even in the old time Khmer ancestors still could come up with proverb that, “Don’t use a flat-basket to cover up the dead elephant”, let alone in an age of advanced information technology when too many people have access to smart phones, cameras, internet, Facebook, etc…

Then again, the man may not be capable of comprehending anything beyond his own fake news.


«… ហើយប្រទេសទាំងនោះ ឆោតល្ងង់ ចាញ់បោកការភូតកុហករបស់ក្រុមប្រឆាំង។ ខ្ញុំយល់ម្យ៉ាងចាញ់បោកក្រុមតូច១ បោកបាន។ គេដើរបោកថា កម្ពុជាអត់មានគោរពប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ និងដើរបោក កម្ពុជាហ្នឹងអត់ចេះគោរពសិទ្ធិមនុស្សទេ។ អានោះជឿតែម្តង… យើងមានលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ដោយរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោត មិនដែលយឺតយ៉ាវ ។ តើនោះមិនមែនជាលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យទេឬ?។ »

ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី និង រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងការពារជាតិ ទៀ បាញ់ ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៥ មករា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍



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Tuesday, 22 January 2019



Hun Sen’s Internal Time Bomb



«ជាន់កអាហ្អែងថែម អាហ្នឹងវារឿងតែប៉ុណ្ណឹង។ អាហ្អែងខូច អញកាត់ទោសអាហ្អែង អានេះជាផ្លូវច្បាប់។ តែអាហ្អែងទៅអំពាវនាវឲ្យគេបំផ្លាញកម្ពុជា។ អ៊ីចឹង មានអីត្រូវទុកឲ្យអា ហ្អែងរស់តទៅទៀត! ឲ្យច្បាស់! សុំកុំប្រមាថ ហើយសុំកុំព្រមានចំពោះកម្ពុជា។

នាយក រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៥ មករា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍



PM Hun Sen is so committed to eliminating fake news that he talks candidly to PP about his current worries:

PP: You often use a vulgar language in public. Why?
HS: To show off my authority and threaten my foes as well as my minions.

PP: Many succumb to your threats; a few don’t...
HS: That is because I have not been vulgar enough. I will do better.

PP: One of the recalcitrant is Kem Sokha whom you lock up in his room like a naughty kid.
HS: Well, there is a sign in his room reminding him that he can walk out any time.

PP: No conditions?
HS: Indeed, there is. He must denounce Sam Rainsy, like Kong Korm did.

PP: What is the difference between the two men?
HS: Kong Korm is smart and accommodating. I told him I could drum up cases to confiscate all the land he ever owns. What do they say? If you’ve got them by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow. I have tried to grab Kem Sokha’s balls even before he was locked up.

PP: What if Kem Sokha has no balls?
HS: I will use his freedom as a leverage to get the EU import tax off my back. The EU can have his freedom, and I the tax concessions.

PP: Why are these concessions so important to you?
HS: A loss will devastate my power base.

PP: What do you mean? Are you worried about possible revolts if factories’ workers lose their jobs due to a possible export cut?
HS: No, the workers are the least of my worry.

PP: Oh, how so?
HS: Most fear me. It will take them a long time and courage to revolt.

PP: So, what is your main worry?
HS: My top minions and generals. They can anytime mount a revolt against me. The export cut will hurt their financial and mental well-beings.

PP: How so, sire?
HS: They have direct financial interests in those factories and in the “Made-in-Cambodia” label they have sold to apparel factories in China for years.

PP: Is this why you called a meeting of the CPP Central Committee a few days ago?
HS: Yes, and I have worked out who a potential challenger to my power is.

PP: How, sire?
HS: I asked the members of some 900 or so to nominate – in a secret ballot – their preferred candidate among Hun Manet, Say Chhum, Sar Kheng, Aun Pon Monirath, and Prak Sokhon to succeed me.

PP: So, they know who your successor is…
HS: Not quite. I brought the ballot box home to count and keep the outcome to myself.

PP: It must be your son Hun Manet.
HS: No, it’s Sar Kheng.

PP: Sar Kheng???
HS: Yes, he’s the man who prefers a generic term, “Royal Government of Cambodia”, rather than “Hun Sen Government or Regime” that clearly acknowledges my glorious achievements so far.

PP: You are right to be so anxious and vulgar, sire.


Ung Bun Ang
22i19



Fake News You Can Use


It is rather refreshing that, according to Heng Vanda, the education sector has almost got rid of corruption. He pays tribute to Minister Hang Chuon Narong for the latter’s reform effort. It is refreshing because, buried in the pile of manures, there is a little sparkling diamond untarnished.

Perhaps, Heng Vanda sends Hun Sen a message that if leaders are clean there will be no corruption issues.

Then again Hen Vanda may just be ingratiating himself with the Minister for something in his form of corruption labyrinth.


“If leaders are clean, then there will be no problems with money or corruption… I can say that there is very little corruption now in the education sector.”

High Education Association chairman Heng Vanda, 11 January 2019, Khmer Times



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Tuesday, 15 January 2019


A Tipping Point in 2019?


“ខ្ញុំបានប្រាប់អាកាសយាន កុំហាមឃាត់ក្នុងការដឹកអាចង្រៃនេះចូលស្រុក ព្រោះយើងត្រូវដាក់ខ្នោះវា ព្រោះយើងតាមចាប់វាយូរហើយ ចាប់មិនបាន។ ឥឡូវវាមកឲ្យយើងចាប់ហើយ រឿងអីវាមិនស្រួល? រឿងអីវាមិនស្រួល? សុំអញ្ជើញមក ខ្ញុំក៍បានត្រៀមខ្លួនហើយដែរ អញ្ចឹងត្រៀមទៅ។”

នាយក​​រដ្ឋ​មន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី ២៦ ធ្នូ ២០១៨    វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ



A reliable source in Hun Sen’s inner-circle claims Hun Sen is being frustrated with a dilemma that only Sam Rainsy can help resolve. He is often heard giving vent to his exasperation by yelling at others in his city residence. He has held frequent meetings in the last few weeks with a small group of his close confidants, namely CPP vice president Say Chhum. A Chinese adviser also attends those discussions.

The Hun Sen conundrum is what and how he will respond if Sam Rainsy lands at Phnom Penh Airport. There are three basic options under his consideration.

One, as he blusters, he can arrest his nemesis, lock him up, and throws away the key. This may lead to a revolt by die-hard supporters and other followers, which can spin out of his control. Two, he can let the nemesis roam free after his return. This may breathe new life into the opposition party, which could consolidate and grow beyond his control. Three, he can opt for a Kem Ley option. This may lead to an instant uncontrollable popular uprising. Half of the 2013 and 2017 voters support his opposition. Kem Ley’s funeral procession attracts hundreds of thousand mourners that could have turned rebellious at the time to end his rule.

All the responses point to a possible tipping point that can develop into something Hun Sen’s armed forces will no longer be in control. Hun Sen is right to be worried about the tipping point. There has been a rise in workers unrest despite stricter labour and union laws. Garment workers have been demanding outstanding seniority payments in line with the amended labour law. Hun Sen uses labour exploitation argument to threaten the workers that their claim, though legal, would send their employers bankrupt, and hence their job loss. There is also a growing resistance to restrictions imposed upon union activities by the amended labour law.

Besides the frustrated workers, there are infuriated victims of land grabs, embittered union activists, discontented environmentalists, resentful suffering migrant workers, irritated youth over border issues, disgruntled public servants, and the rest of the CNRP 3,000,000 voters. The size of those who have not much to lose is growing; and all are waiting for the tipping point.

Now, it becomes so ironic that only Sam Rainsy could rescue Hun Sen from the tipping point that would likely end the latter’s regime. Will he? Should he? Would he?

His prominent colleagues abroad and grass-rooted supporters at home declare they are ready for his return and on-location leadership. They may or may not consider possible impacts on personal welfare of their CNRP acting president, even though he often declares it is not his major concern.

There are thousands of excuses for Sam Rainsy to stay away from the country he says he wants to rescue from Hun Sen. None will be more grateful than Hun Sen if Sam Rainsy decides to rescue him instead.

But there is only one reason to go for the tipping point.


Ung Bun Ang
15i19



Fake News You Can Use


It seems the pressure of the impending removal of the EU and US tax concessions from the Hun Sen regime have taken its toll on the man’s sanity. He grants Pseng-Pseng (PP) an exclusive interview.

PP: Thanks for your time, sire.

HS: Consider you are lucky that I talk to you. Shoot.

PP: Why do you remove Camcontrol from border checkpoints?

HS: Partly to be ready to counter the impact of a possible loss of EU and US tax concessions, which will make our exports there less competitive. The Camcontrol’s removal will make Cambodian products more competitive.

PP: What is the role of Camcontrol, sire?

HS: You tell me.

PP: According to its website, Camcontrol is to inspect imports and exports for product fraud. People understand it is to ensure that products imported into the country are of quality.

HS: Is that so?

PP: Without Camcontrol, fake or expired products will have a free flow into the country...

HS: We have had plenty of them right now even with Camcontrol. We want more of cheap goods. You like to pay less for stuff, don’t you?

PP: But what is a link between those cheap imports and the loss of EU and US tax concessions for the Cambodian garment exports?

HS: You’re a moron. A loss of tax concessions makes Cambodian exports expensive. The cheap imports will force local products to be cheap, which will make their exports cheap and competitive. This is another one of my brilliant win-win policies; this time in economics. I never cease to amaze myself for being so brilliant.

PP: But factory workers income will be squeezed out to make profits for factories and their political backers.

HS: Well, that’s my win-win policy, not win-win-win policy. Those workers are lucky to have their jobs at all. Besides, there is a complete freedom for them to go work abroad, if you haven’t notice.




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Saturday, 18 August 2018


Funny News From 2018 Elections


“… its [Hun Sen’s elections] legitimacy is arguably no lesser than the other [Malaysian recent elections], because … it was a multi-party election. And it is not a sure thing that had the CNRP been allowed to participate, it would have won.”

Davan Long, 9 August 2018, Bangkok Post Opinion


“It took Malaysians over 60 years to change a government. If Cambodia were to follow their example, it still has 30 more years to go…” [sic]

Davan Long, 9 August 2018, Bangkok Post Opinion


“The general picture before and after the election, and the stance of the GDP, is that the CNRP effectively handed the National Assembly’s full 125 seats to the CPP when it urged people to boycott the elections or spoil their ballot.”

Grassroots Democratic Party (GDP) President Yang Saing Koma, 2 August 2018, The Phnom Penh Post


« អ្នកឯងហ៊ានចោទថា ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋត្រូវគេបំប៉ោង ត្រូវគេបំភិតបំភ័យ ត្រូវគេស្អីអ៊ីចេះអ៊ីចុះ។ ហ៊ានស្បថឬ អត់? បើហ៊ាន ឥឡូវបង្ហោះតាមហ្វេសប៊ុកមក។ ឥឡូវ ខ្ញុំសូមស្បថមុន ស្បថឲ្យងាប់គ្រប់ទម្រង់ ឲ្យតែយមរាជចង់ ឲ្យខ្ញុំងាប់ឡានបុកក៏ដោយ ធ្លាក់កប៉ាល់ហោះក៏ដោយ ខ្សែភ្លើងឆក់ក៏ដោយ រន្ទះបាញ់ក៏ដោយ ស្អីក៏ដោយ ប្រភេទស្អីក៏ដោយ ឲ្យតែងាប់ ។ អ្នកឯងហ៊ានទេ? រុញអ្នកឯងឲ្យដល់ ជញ្ជាំងតែម្ដង។ »

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ​ថ្ងៃទី​៧ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

“But I have noted some pressure and fear [in the elections] too.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro



Besides news and fake news, there is funny news. A Campro member defines it as the one that is hilarious if untrue.

The 2018 elections bring out many pieces of funny news. Davan Long claims twenty parties participating in the July elections are numerous enough for an election legitimacy, hence for Hun Sen’s new government. It is irrelevant that nineteen of them are feeble and must depend on one gigantic party to run the elections with pre-arranged outcomes.

Long also argues a forced absence of the only formidable party from competing the elections does not affect the legitimacy – because it is uncertain that it can win. Long decides on behalf of voters which party can or cannot win before allowing them to partake. Thus, he must believe these nineteen feeble parties can win. Who is he kidding, besides himself?

Another piece of funny news from Long is, as it takes 60 years for Malaysia to change a government, Cambodia will need another 30 years to do likewise. What Long ignores, or does not know, is that for the past 61 years, Malaysia has had seven prime ministers presiding over at least seven governments. Nevertheless, Cambodia can still match this Malaysian record if it is to have six different premiers in the next three decades.

Then there is a Khmer Rise Party in the elections. By Long’s funny criterion for competing in elections, this party must be able to win. Yet, its president Soksovann Vatthanasarapong does not put his name down as a candidate. He tells RFI listeners his reason: he wants free time and freedom to conduct election campaigns and connect with communities and voters. How amusing.

Another Long’s winnable is the GDP. But it loses; and its president puts a blame on CNRP for calling an election boycott, during which he has still predicted a 75% voter turnout and claimed a higher turnout will give his party a better chance of victory.

As it happens, the turnout is higher at 83% but only 70,587 voters favour GDP. A funny part is that a CNRP spin-off Khmer Will Party, founded merely a month before the elections, secures 212,869 votes with 65% of its candidates being former CNRP grassroot members.

Perhaps the funniest news of all is Hun Sen’s resort to a death’s oath in response to his opponents’ allegation that his elections are rigged with an inflated turnout, threats, coercions, intimidations, etc. If the allegation is proven, Hun Sen swears to die in any manner as lord of death Yama desires, including gruesome deaths. This is a real deal for those who subscribe to primitive beliefs like Hun Sen.

Does Hun Sen really mean it when claiming his re-election is clean? Either he is hallucinating in his own reality, or he is a compulsive liar. Even his staunch supporters, like Chan Sophal, admit there are pressure and fear in the elections. Still, if the oath turned effective, Long’s wish for another 30 years of Hun Sen would not come true.


Ung Bun Ang
18viii18


Fake News You Can Use


Here is a mind-your-own-business warning CPP spokesman Sok Eysan issues to all foreigners. Yes, they all ought to keep their nose out of the stinky dump and take a hike with their duty-free concessional import policies for developing nations. They are interfering in Cambodia affairs and violating Cambodia’s sovereignty – as if it has one – for making negative comments and unreasonable demands on Hun Sen’s rule.




Except for China and Vietnam, of course.

Since Hun Sen’s Cambodia has already become an honourary conjoint China-Vietnam, it is not an interference in Cambodian state affairs for China-Vietnam to fund and run the, economy, resources, elections, and other stuffs.

Cambodian top brains are rewarded so well that they serve like well-oiled robots. After all, China and Vietnam have known for at least two hundred years that those brains, including the highly educated ones, are susceptible to lucrative offices and bribes.


« ជនបរទេសមិនគួរចេះឈឺឆ្អាលរឿងកម្ពុជាទេ គិតតែប្រទេសខ្លួនឯងទៅ។ »

អ្នកនាំពាក្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា សុខ ឥសាន ​ថ្ងៃទី​ ១០ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨  ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍



Your Support is Necessary

Sign and spread around the petition that calls for investigations by Australian authorities into criminal activities of the Cambodian elite in Australia. Join the force. Details are in the following link.





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Wednesday, 8 August 2018


Dear Cambodian Professionals


“Was there cheating in the election on 29th July 2018 or not?”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro (Cambodian Professionals online network)


“… I personally collected the results of the election on 29th July 2018 from 82 polling stations in 6 schools in Phnom Penh. I simply used my phone to take snapshots of the result Form 1102 that was displayed on the outside polling station.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro


“In my opinion based on this evidence, other anecdotes, I don't think there was cheating or cooking in this election.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro


“It is important to bear in mind that the sample is not a representative one for Phnom Penh or Cambodia, but it is a large enough number of polling stations (82) in 6 schools, which can tell some meaningful statistics, I believe.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro


“The key finding is that the result of this sample is not too different from the preliminary result published by NEC in terms of voter turnout rate (74% from the sample), invalid votes (15% from the sample), and the votes for CPP and other small parties.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro


“This finding suggests to me that if any cheating or cooking it would not have happened at the level above the polling stations. There would be no need to cheat and change such already good results at the polling stations. So if any cheating, it would have happened at the polling stations, which I think is very very difficult to do.”

Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 1 August 2018, Campro




Director Chan Sophal poses a controversial question, does Hun Sen cheat in the recent elections?

In his scientific quest for the truth, the director who makes a living out of research work conducts a simple data collection. His sample size is 3.8% of all the 2,138 polling stations in Phnom Penh. He sprinkles over his research numbers “other anecdotes” though he does not specify the nature and extent of these additives. And then Voilà, Hun Sen does not cheat in Phnom Penh, and by the power of his statistical inference, anywhere. To justify this conclusion, he claims on CPP’s behalf that they do not need to cheat since they have done “tremendous work in both reforms and in pleasing their local constituencies”.

The director admits his sampling is not random. Any research professionals worth their salt know random sampling is a prerequisite for any statistically reliable and valid outcomes. He believes his sample size is large enough for “some meaningful statistics”. He does not say, however, if he calculates a confidence interval and level for his outcomes validity and reliability.

It is rather amusing the director seems excited to discover that his numbers and calculations are “not too different” from those of the NEC. He copies source numbers straight from the NEC’s published Form 1102; how could there be any material variance beyond calculation errors?

The director also believes – to support his conclusion that there is no cheating – any cheating at the poll stations will be “very very difficult to do”. No, it is not.

Here are some factors for the director who often claims to be logical to ponder if cheating is so difficult at poll stations. At every station in Phnom Penh, there are two CPP party agents making up a total of 72.6% of all party agents. Thirteen competing parties have none; six have a handful; they say they rely on the NEC’s integrity for a clean process; many are somewhat under CPP’s control or influence. All election officials are recruited by the NEC whose executive members are either CPP members or beneficiaries of a CPP patronage. Hence, a logical question is: are these minions stupid enough to deprive Hun Sen of what he wants – a high turnout that gives legitimacy of his next government? Indeed, it is inevitable they cheat; and it is up to them to sell it.

It remains unclear though why the director bastardises his sampling work. He may not have enough grasp of the technique complexity, or he just plays some 600 professionals on Campro network for a fool. Either way, the director clearly uses statistics like a drunk using a lamp post – for support rather than illumination.

It is hard to say whether the Campro professionals buy the director’s research method and conclusion. Most have held their cards close to their chest seldom saying anything at all online. Indeed, a few vocal ones will applaud them as they use the network mainly to go with the flow like a dead fish.



Ung Bun Ang
08viii18



Fake News You Can Trust


The following quote is an excerpt from a report in 1834 by Vietnamese General Troung Giang Ming to his emperor Minh Mang.

An opinion leader in the Campro network rebuts the quote pointing out his contemporaries are different from the Cambodian officials of 1834. He says they now have a much better brain with high education degrees up to PhD and beyond.

As it turns out, the only difference is that now with higher degrees of intelligence they also have developed a larger corrupt brain to deal with much bigger bribes their ancestors could never have dreamt of. They have been collectively validating General Troung research outcomes for 184 years and will likely continue do so until Vietnam completes its westward journey in Hun Sen’s peace and economic prosperity.


"After studying the [Cambodian] situation, we [Vietnamese] have decided that Cambodian officials only know how to bribe and be bribed. Offices are sold; nobody carries out orders; everyone works for his own account."

David Chandler (2008), A History of Cambodia, 4th Edition, Westview Press, Page 150


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