How Hun Sen Fails in Myanmar

 

«​ប៉ុន្តែ​ខ្ញុំ​និយាយ​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​កម្ពុជា មិនមែន​ក្នុង​នាម​ប្រធាន​អាស៊ាន​ទេ​ណា​។ សុំ​កុំ​ចងភ្ជាប់​ខ្ញុំ​ជាមួយ​ប្រធាន​អាស៊ាន។​»

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី១៧ ខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ២០២២ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

«ឥឡូវ​វា​ស្ថិត​នៅ​ក្នុង​ស្ថានភាព​ធ្វើ​ក៏​ខុស មិន​ធ្វើ​ក៏​ខុស​។ ឥឡូវ​មាន​តែ​អ៊ីចឹង!​ បើ​ថា​​ គេ​មិន​ចង់​ធ្វើ​យើង​ក៏​មិន​ចង់​ព្រួយ​ហ្នឹង​ហត់ ព្រោះ​ឥឡូវ​យក​គោ​ទៅ​ដាក់​មុខ​រទេះ​​ ឥឡូវ​ធ្វើ​ម្ដេច​ទៅ​មុខ​រួច។ ក៏​ប៉ុន្តែ​សុំ​បញ្ជាក់​​​ណា នៅ​សល់​តែ​១០​ខែ ថ្ងៃ​នេះ​១៦ សល់​តែ​១០​ខែ ​១៤​ថ្ងៃ​ទៀត​ទេ​វ៉ើយ! ចប់​ភារៈកិច្ច​ហើយ​។ សូម​អញ្ជើញ​ប្រធាន​ក្រោយ​ធ្វើ​ទៅ។ បើ​វា​ពិបាក​ពេក​ វា​ពិបាក​ពេក។»

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​​ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី១៦ ខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ២០២២ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

 

“We [Hun Sen and Joko Widodo] discuss development in Myanmar. I reiterated clearly Indonesia position on the importance of implementation of [the] 5-Point Consensus to [5PCs] bring democracy back in Myanmar through inclusive dialogue… Should there be no significant progress on the implementation of the 5PCs, Myanmar should only be represented by non-political level at ASEANB meeting.”

Indonesia President Joko Widodo, 5 Jan 2022 Twitter

«ខ្ញុំ​អត់​មាន​ផលប្រយោជន៍​ណាមួយ​ទៅក្នុង​បញ្ហា​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​នឹង​នយោបាយ ចង់បាន​ឥទ្ធិពលនយោបាយអី ខ្ញុំ​អត់​មាន​ទេ ព្រោះ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​តូច​ណាស់​បើ​ប្រៀបធៀប​ជាមួយនឹង​ប្រទេស​មីយ៉ាន់ម៉ា។​»​ 

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី១៧ ខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ២០២២ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

 

Hun Sen is utterly confused and frustrated when serving a brief stint as a peace crusader in the Myanmar conflict. He fails in getting the military junta to embrace his Thank-You-Peace political marketing stunt.

He is unclear who he is when playing international politics. First, he assumes a role as the ASEAN chair. Hun Sen could not wait to take over the ASEAN alternate chair and the Myanmar case with gusto. Before his ASEAN term begins in January, he has flagged his travel plan to Myanmar sending a clear message to General Min Aung Hlaing that he wants to be there.

However, when it is clear his Myanmar effort falls by the wayside, he says he has acted on behalf of Cambodia, not ASEAN. He does not want this early flop to mar the rest of his term. After all, his last term in 2012 is also a dud; it is the first time ever in history ASEAN fails to issue a joint statement when the then chair Hun Sen rejects a consensus on South China Sea maritime disputes.

He is now counting the days his chairmanship will be over. In his usual gangster slang, he says from this day, 16 February, there remains only 10 months and 14 days to go before passing on the conflict to the next chair.

Hun Sen is frustrated. He has not expected ASEAN to come down so hard on his unilateral move to rehabilitate Myanmar. The frustration must be unbearable particularly for the strongman who is accustomed to getting literally everything he wants. In Cambodia, every time Hun Sen yells, “Jump”, his minions will ask, “How high?”

Three days before the man flies into Myanmar, Indonesia President Widodo begins to rain on his parade. An ultimatum from the president is clear – the leash he puts on Hun Sen is short. He wants the Chairman to bring democracy back in Myanmar before accepting General Hlaing into ASEAN. With similar pressures from Singapore, Malaysian, and the Philippines, Hun Sen has since kept to the ASEAN script, despite extreme discomfort for the strongman to endure in the straitjacket.

Hun Sen pretends to be in charge by coming up with two initiatives. He issues his own four-point plan for General Hlaing to consider. The first point is for Hlaing to implement the 5PCs, which has already been rejected; and other three sound very similar to three of the 5PCs. The second initiative is to establish an ASEAN Troika that Hun Sen claims to be very crucial to resolve the deadlock; it has also been ignored. It seems all his attempts to save his face only reinforce him as a laughingstock.

He then resorts to lies. Hun Sen says there is no benefit for him to get involved in [international] politics; he says he does not want to have any political influences. This ridiculous claim comes from the man who lives and breathes politics and adores every world stage opportunity anyone offers him.

He has lost it, completely.

Ung Bun Ang

22ii22

 

Alternative Comments You Can Smile On

Malaysia Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah should be thankful for his lucky star. Hun Sen has only told him not to be so rude towards the ASEAN leadership, especially towards himself – the ASEAN Chair. He says the man does not know a language of diplomacy; this comes from the prime minister who is fond of using gangster slang in his public address in Cambodia. Hun Sen would drag this minister through court to answer charges of incitement, public disorder, or something sinister that his Phnom Penh court would make it impossible to escape jail sentences at best. 

Anyhow, what does this Malaysian minister say that has driven Hun Sen up the wall? The man tells Aljazeera News: “There are people who think that he should not have taken the visit because his visit has been construed or interpreted as a recognition of the military in Myanmar. Malaysia is of the opinion that he has the right to visit Myanmar as the head of government of Cambodia. However, we also feel that because he has already assumed the chair of ASEAN, he could have probably consulted the other ASEAN leaders and sought our views as to what he should do if he were to go to Myanmar.”

 

Asked if Hun Sen’s visit will achieve anything, Saifuddin gives it a flat abrupt “No”. The man is not merciful on Hun Sen’s ego. How rude.

«​សុំ​កុំឱ្យ​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ការបរទេស [​​ម៉ាឡេស៊ី] ​នេះ ព្រហើន​ពេក​ដែលមាន​សម្តី​សំដៅ​មិន​គប្បី​ចំពោះ​ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំ​អាស៊ាន ជាពិសេស​ប្រធាន​អាស៊ាន​តែម្ដង ដែល​មិន​សមជា​ភាសា​ការទូត ដូច្នេះហើយ​កុំឱ្យ​យក​លក្ខណៈ​ព្រហើន ដែល​លើកឡើង​កន្លងទៅនេះ មិន​ដូច​ភាពជាក់ស្ដែង ដែល​អ្នកមួយ​ចំនួន ដែល​គេ​តាមដាន​ការងារ​អាស៊ាន ឬ​ធ្វើ​ការងារ​អាស៊ាន​នេះ ហើយ​គាត់​ខ្វះ​នូវ​ការគួរសម​ទៀតផង​។»​

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន   ថ្ងៃ​ទី២៤ ខែ មករា ឆ្នាំ២០២២ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

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The Royal Laughing Academy of Cambodia

 

«​បើ​យើង​មិនបាន​ទទួលយក​មតិ​ពី​មហាជន​ទេ គឺអាច​មានមតិ​ប្រតិកម្ម គេ​ថា យើង​អ្នក​បំផ្លាញ​ភាសា មិន​ខាន​ទេ​​។ … កាលណា​ពាក្យ​ខ្មែរ​ចេញទៅ​មិន​ស្រួល គឺមាន​ទំនាស់​គ្នា​។»

អនុប្រធាន​ក្រុមប្រឹក្សាជាតិ​ភាសា​ខ្មែរ នៃ​រាជបណ្ឌិត្យ​សភា​កម្ពុជា សន ពៅ ១៦ ធ្នូ ២០២១ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

Welcome to a Royal Laughing Academy of Cambodia. It is a successful deformation within a decade of The Royal Academy of Cambodia (RAC), which is revived in 1999 to be the top national institute for academic research of all kinds of value to the country.

 The latest comical episode is when one of RAC units, National Council of Khmer Language, appeals for public inputs into spelling and pronunciation of foreign words Cambodians have borrowed. They say the appeal is to seek “unity” in adapting those foreign words into Khmer and in usage.

This experts appeal is very amateurish, however. First, they are so melodramatic. They say they are confident that without public inputs they will be accused of destroying the Khmer language. Second, they warn that without a consensus, there will be conflicts. San Peou of the Council points to a lingering dispute since the 60’s in Khmer language between followers of linguistic giant Samdech Venerable Choun Nat and those devotees of linguistics professor Keng Van Sak. The former group favours traditional way of protecting and developing Khmer language with Pali and Sanskrit as bases. The latter advocates for a modernisation and simplification of the language. For instance, Keng Van Sak would explain with humour that the traditional spelling of អាចម៍ represents an Indian excrement, not Khmer’s; the Khmer one would be a simple អាច់.

How could the RAC be so wrapped up with this “consensus” mentality? There are always different ideas in developing anything; after all, language is an art that will evolve with time, place, and people. The issue is how skilful linguistic experts are in framing new words and convincing users to follow and respect their language authority.

Still, this consensus mentality is consistent with what Hun Sen has enriched. There has been a consensus in all the government branches: legislative, executives, judicial. Not only are they flooded with members of a single party, but they are also dictated by a single person.

Sadly, the RAC has veered from a technical institution to a full-blown political mouthpiece for the autocrat. They sing chorus and praises to whatever Hun Sen cares to dish out. They must be fearful that the slightest critical view would damage Hun Sen’s consensus bandwagon or trigger revolutions.

The RAC, as a research and academic institution, is a complete wreck. For instance, they issue glorified honorifics and PhD graduates, which go like hot cakes, until Hun Sen sees some sense and puts an abrupt stop to it. They claim in October to have published a contemporary Khmer dictionary Volume 1. But no bookstores have ever seen, let alone stocked, it. Even the National Library of Cambodia, which is mandated to archive all published materials in the country, has yet to set eyes on it. Perhaps, they are withholding the publication because they have just realised, they must wait for a consensus for the sake of unity that has eluded them in this work.

Indeed, the RAC is a laughing academy, if not in ruins.

Ung Bun Ang

21xii21

 

Alternative Comments You Can Smile On

Lee Kuan Yew once warns after his retirement that he will keep his watchful eyes on Singapore like a hawk, even after his death. He says he will rise from the grave and kick those who have mismanaged the country.

It is worth pondering what would Prince Sihanouk do if he saw what his son did to his Funcinpec party he had founded and led to the 1993 election victory. Would he kick his son or himself?

However, it might be some consolation for the Prince in some way. It is rather flattering that there are still devoted members who hold the party in utmost value as they are now scrambling among themselves fighting for a piece of the party wreckages even after his son’s death. They must be antique collectors who could spot values for the next century.

The sad thing is that the CPP court, where the Funcinpec devotees have brought their contestation to, could not care less. It tells them to nick off, and they dutifully agree.

 

“ការសម្រេច​លើកចោល​មិន​ចាត់ការ​របស់​សាលាដំបូង​រាជ​​ធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​លើ​បុគ្គល​ទាំង ៤ ​រូបនោះ គឺអាច​ទទួលយកបាន និង​ត្រឹមត្រូវ​ស្របតាម​ច្បាប់​។ ចំពោះ​ការបន្ត​ប្តឹងទៅ​ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ​ទៀត វា​ជា​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​អ្នក​ទាំង ​៤ ​រូបនោះ ប៉ុន្តែការ​សម្រេច​យ៉ាងណា វា​អាស្រ័យ​លើ​ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ​។”

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ហ្វុ​ន​ស៊ិនប៉ិច ញឿ​ន រ៉ា​ដែន ២០ ខែ ធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ ២០២១ កាសែតភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

 

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Hun Manet’s Obstacle Course

 

«… ហើយមួយទៀត និយាយប្រាប់ហ្អែងអោយច្បាស់ ហ្អែងនិយាយពីរឿងកូនអញ អញប្រកាសង៉ៃនេះតែម្តង គាំទ្រកូនអោយធើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបន្ត (សម្លេងទះដៃ) តែមិនមែនអ្វីពីការក្រៅការបោះឆ្នោតទេ ត្រូវបោះឆ្នោត។ … ខ្ញុំចង់ផ្តាច់ បង្ខំចិត្តប្រកាសយកបណ្តោយ ហ៊ុន ហ៊ុនម៉ាណែតជាបេក្ខភាពមួយក្នុងចំណោមបេក្ខភាពនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហើយឪពុករបស់វាគាំទ្រ​(សម្លេងទះដៃ)។ និយាយអោយហ្អែងច្បាស់អញ្ចឹងទៅ កុំអោយហ្អែងពិបាកវិភាគពេកអា៎ បើហ្អែងវិភាគទៅ វា វា វាយ៉ាប់ពេក។ អញ្ចឹងប្រាប់ហ្អែងអោយត្រង់ថា គាំទ្រអោយកូនឯងធ្វើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី បើហ្អែងប្រឹងតស៊ូទៅ ហ្អែងប្រឹងទៅ។​»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី២ ធ្នូ ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

 

Hun Sen seems ready to quit. Then again, he may not. He has often spoken of retirement with a kind of timeframe that could see him leave the job in a box.

On a recent outburst, he nominates for the first time his eldest son Manet as his successor. He declares he is no longer hesitant about the nomination and rules out any of his contemporaries for the top job. He sounds confident when he asks in a lordly tone what anyone can do to him in response to his bold nomination move. Yet, several days later he issues caveats for the nomination: no wrongdoings by the nominee, sons of other elite can also run for the job, and he will be hanging around for two more terms. The man appears unsettled more than ever.

Thus, Hun Manet’s obstacle course begins with his father’s disregard for what he says. A self-esteemed Manet would have no regard for his father’s words. The poor man gets dressed up but has nowhere to go anytime soon.

Nevertheless, Manet’s possibly fatal challenges will come when his benefactor becomes infirm. The question is how he will then manage his opponents’ greed and lust for power. They all know and long for the powerful office that has comes with absolute impunity since the start of the country’s history.

The first in line to chop Manet down is a sibling rivalry. His brother Manith is head of the military intelligence unit that can dig out scandalous information for blackmailing. It is the kind of power that makes many US presidents and presidential candidates fearful of a mere FBI director Edgar Hoover; that has swept KGB chief Vladimir Putin into a long-term power in Russia. Though Manith has yet to declare his interest in the job, another brother parliamentarian Hun Many is more forthcoming; he declares in 2016 that his goal is to become the prime minister. However, Manith and Many have for now declared their support for their brother’s nomination. Machiavelli would advise one stand behind someone one declares one supports so that it will be easy to knife them at the back.

The next rivalry group, should Manet ever survive the sibling rivalry, is children of the current top elites: Sar Kheng, Say Chhum, Tea Banh, etc. They were born and bred in greed and privileges, which may propel a few of them to launch a dogfight for the ultimate prize.

Then again, Manet may overcome all these hurdles with flying colours. His father may pass on a dynastic bloodline that is characterised with political shrewdness and ruthlessness that has kept all his CPP contemporaries in straight jacket. It is the bloodline that will do far more than repressing their political rivalries. It is like that of Khmer autocratic rulers in the past millennium: power abuse and misuse with absolute impunity embedded with a chronic parasite mentality that depends on foreigners to attain and to remain in power. These bloodlines have caused untold damages to Cambodia. 

Ung Bun Ang

21xii21

Alternative Facts You Can Use

Hun Sen makes two points in his 2 November outburst that may draw some interesting implications. First, Manet is not raised to become head of thieves, and he has the bloodline to rule. Second, he renews his warning to those who spread a rumour that Manet is a son of well-respected Vietnamese revolutionary, army general, diplomat, and politician Le Duc Tho that they will not escape his wrath.

Hun Sen would have a hard time explaining how and why he and those around him have accumulated so much wealth with their miserable legitimate incomes, if not from some forms of theft. Would prime minister Manet follow suit because of his bloodline?

Why does he dig up the rumour again after five years of dormancy? Only him can explain why he chooses now to kick the sleeping dog. The rumour has frustrated Manet so much that he suggests he and his father undergo DNA tests to prove once and for all that they are blood related. Hun Sen has refused, which may imply he is not the father.

If it is true that Le Duc Tho is Manet’s biological father, and the bloodline prevails, there will be no difference between Hun Sen’s bloodline or Le Duc Tho’s. Cambodia is stuffed.

 What comes to mind is John Lennon’s “Imagine there’s no countries…”

« និយាយអោយច្បាស់ថ្ងៃហ្នឹងតែម្តងអោយអស់ បណ្តុះបណ្តាលកូនមិនមែនយកអោយធើមេចោរទេ។ ប្រទេសគេដទៃ គេសូម្បីតែជប៉ុនក៏គេមានពូជរបស់គេដូចអាប៉េ ជីតារបស់អាប៉េគឺជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហើយដែលធ្លាប់មកទស្សនកិច្ចស្រុកខ្មែរ ថាឪពុករបស់អាប៉េគឺរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីការបរទេស រហូតដល់អាប៉េគឺធើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ធើទាល់តែអាប៉េសុំឈប់ខ្លួនឯង ហ្វូកូដាក៏អញ្ចឹងដែរ។ គឺមានពូជធើនយោបាយបស់គេ។…កូនម៉ាណែតកូនរបស់ឡេឌឹកថ ការប្រមាទមួយនេះ ពួកហ្អែងអត់រួចខ្លួនទេ ប្រាប់អោយហើយ។»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី២ ធ្នូ ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

 

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Hun Sen Implies He is not Human

  

«អ្នកដែលចង់ហៅ ចង់ហៅគេ ហៅអោយកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងប៉ារីសមកគ្របដណ្តប់វិញ អ្នកកំពុងហៅបរទេសមកត្រួតត្រាកម្ពុជាសារជាថ្មី… បើអ្នកជាខ្មែរ អ្នកជាមនុស្ស មិនមែនជាតិរច្ឆានទេ មិនមែនជាសត្វ អ្នកត្រូវតែច្បាស់ត្រង់កន្លែងថា… អ្នកធំជាងគេស្រុកខ្មែរ ពេល​នោះ ពេលដំណាក់ការអ៊ុនតាក់ មិនមែនព្រះកូណាបិតាទេ គឺអាអ៊ុនតាក់តើ ប្រធានអ៊ុនតាក់ ហើយប្រធានអ៊ុនតាក់គាត់ជានរណា ហ្ន៎? … អ្នកត្រូវយល់ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញពេលនេះ ព្រះមហាក្សត្រព្រះអង្គធំជាងគេ ម៉េចក៏ចង់ហៅគេមកត្រួតត្រាឡើងវិញ បើអ្នកមិនមែនជាតិរច្ឆាន?»

នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី៩ វិច្ឆិកា  ២០២១ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

«​ការចែង​ក្នុង​ច្បាប់កំពូល​របស់​ប្រទេស​យើង​ឱ្យបាន​ច្បាស់​ដោយ​តម្រូវឱ្យ​តួនាទី​កំពូល​ទាំង​៤ ​ដែល​ជា​តួនាទី​មាន​សិទ្ធិ​សម្រេច​ជោគវាសនា និង​មាគ៌ា​ប្រទេសជាតិ​ត្រូវ​មាន​សញ្ជាតិ​ខ្មែរ​តែ​ ១ គឺមាន​គោលដៅ​តែ​ ១ ​គត់ គឺ​ការដាក់​ចិត្ត និង​តាំងចិត្ត​បម្រើ​ប្រទេស និង​ប្រជាជន​ខ្មែរ​ដោយ​ឥត​លក្ខខណ្ឌ​។ ក្នុងនោះ​មិនឱ្យ​បរទេស​មួយណា​យកគំនិត ឬ​ផលប្រយោជន៍​នយោបាយ​របស់​ប្រទេស​ផ្សេង​មក​ជះឥទ្ធិពល​ទៅលើ​សិទ្ធិ​សម្រេច​ក្នុង​តួនាទី​ទាំង​៤។»​

សមាជិកសភា​មណ្ឌល​កំពង់ស្ពឺ​ ហ៊ុន ម៉ានី ២​៦ ខែតុលា ២០២១ កាសែត ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

 

A Khmer proverb warns those who care to listen not to throw rice husks against the wind. But Hun Sen does not seem to care. And the husks fly straight into his face. He claims only animals – not humans – want a return of UNTAC, which is controlled by foreigners. He says they have a final say in Cambodian affairs when there is an internal deadlock among Cambodians. However, Hun Sen, who often brags about upholding the Cambodian sovereignty and independence when confronting and persecuting his critics, has now implied he is one of those he labels “animals”.

A perfect excuse for Hun Sen would be an early onset of dementia and confusion. He forgets his frequent claims that he has banked on foreigners to get into power and counted on them to remain there. First, he boasts his commitment and success in securing Vietnamese troops to liberate Cambodia, and to run it for at least in the 80’s. Even now he still reports to Vietnam at times on Cambodian internal affairs. He relies upon Vietnamese military company Metfone to install and operate the current telecommunication grid throughout the country. He must find much comfort in Metfone’s recent pledge that they will not let any Cambodians escape their digital network. He depends on Vietnam to draw up and print a new border map that modifies the official one. His latest reliance is on Vietnam’s funding for an enormous 12-floor building for the National Assembly administration.

Second, Hun Sen has turned to another foreigner China for economic growth. It has funded extensive infrastructures: seaport and airfield in Koh Kong that could accommodate any future Chinese military requirements; mining operations in north-east Cambodia that is murky and unaccountable; urban development in Sihanoukville that comes with flourishing gambling joints and uncontrollable criminal activities. Hun Sen is excited that China is about to implement a huge master plan to turn Sihanoukville into “Shenzhen II” – referring to the Chinese fourth largest cities. When admitting he has nobody besides China to turn to, he effectively surrenders the national sovereignty to the alien, in this case, regardless of economic costs.

While selling out the Cambodian sovereignty, Hun Sen has rushed into amending the Constitution to outlaw multiple citizenships for top holders of four public offices: Constitutional Council, Senate, National Assembly, and Government. His son parliamentarian Hun Many claims the sole aim of the amendment is to ensure there is no foreigners’ influences whatsoever on the officeholders’ decision-making process. Does he say the new law will force the current officeholders to now commit themselves to serving Cambodia’s interests?

Numerous cynics would doubt that. All of them, despite their single Khmer citizenship, have colluded with Hun Sen for decades in outsourcing the sovereignty. They have been ready to rubberstamp anything, ignoring any dark side of their consensual modus operandi. They would ask Hun Sen, “How high?” when he orders them to jump.

Therefore, Hun Sen is right to imply he and his accomplices are animals – with an overwhelming parasite mentality.

Ung Bun Ang

21xi21

Alternative Facts You Can Use

CPP spokesman Sok Eisan seems to suffer a severe bout of verbal diarrhoea and role confusion when dismissing the latest sanctions the US has put on two generals of the Cambodia’s navy and their families. Sok Eisan declares the government will not launch any investigations in response to the alleged corruption of the generals at the naval base in Ream. He says the government is so principled that it will not take any actions without concrete and credible evidence. He says without evidence, the allegations are mere guesswork.

However, when asked if the government is going to demand evidence from the US, Sok Eisan changes his tune, saying he cannot speak on behalf of the government after speaking out for it a few seconds earlier. He must be utterly confused.

Indeed, none of Sok Eisan’s masters asks for the evidence. The Defence and Foreign Affairs ministries condemn the targeted sanctions, but they shy away from the evidence. They must be worried that the US may oblige, which could put Hun Sen in a more awkward and embarrassing conundrum.

Meanwhile, Anti-Corruption Unit chair Oum Yentieng plays deaf and dumb under a rock. 

«រាជ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​មាន​គោលការណ៍​ហ្មត់ចត់​ណាស់ មិន​ចេះ​តែ​លឺ​គេ​ថា ហើយ​ទៅ​ធ្វើ​នាំ​តែ​ខាត​ពេលវេលា នាំ​តែ​ខាត​កម្លាំង ធនធាន​មនុស្ស​ទេ។ អ៊ីចឹង​ខ្ញុំ​យល់​ថា សួរ​អ្នក​ចោទ​វិញ សួរ​អ្នក​ដាក់​ទណ្ឌកម្ម​វិញ ច្បាស់​ត្រង់​ណា កម្រិត​ណា​ហើយ​ដែល​រក​ឃើញ? ឯកសារ​មាន​ប៉ុន្មាន​ហើយ​ដែល​ថា គេ​ពុករលួយ ដែល​ថា​គេ​លួច​លុយ​ប៉ុន្មាន​ហើយ រហូត​ដល់​ដាក់​ទណ្ឌកម្ម​ហ្នឹង? ខ្ញុំ​ថា បើ​អត់​មាន​របាយការណ៍​ច្បាស់លាស់​ពី​ក្រសួង​រតនាគារ​អាមេរិក​ទេ បាន​សេចក្ដី​ថា ការ​ដាក់​ទណ្ឌកម្ម​ហ្នឹង វា​អត់​ពិត​ទេ វា​អត់​ច្បាស់លាស់​ទេ ធ្វើ​ស្មានៗ។»

អ្នក​នាំពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​កាន់​អំណាចលោក សុខ ឥសាន ​ថ្ងៃទី១១ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ២០២១ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ី​សេរី

 

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How Hun Sen Manipulates Covid Numbers

 

«តួលេខ (មនុស្សស្លាប់ដោយកូវិដ) នេះយើងថាច្រើន ប៉ុន្តែយើងមើលតែចំនួន។ ជាទូទៅ គេមិនមើលតែចំនួនទេ។ គេមើលជាភាគរយ ហើយខ្ញុំថាអត់បានខាលគូលេត (calculate) មើលភាគរយទេណា៎ ចាស៎  ប៉ុន្តែបើតាមការប្រមើលមើលរបស់ខ្ញុំ បើយើងគុណជាភាគរយ អត្រាមរណភាពនេះចាស៎ ក៏វានៅក្នុងកំរិតមួយ បើយើងធៀបជាមួយបណ្តាប្រទេសផ្សេងទៀត ខ្ញុំគិតថានៅក្នុងកំរិតមួយហាក់ដូចជាវានៅទាបនៅឡើយទេ។»

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​ក្រសួង​សុខាភិបាល វេជ្ជបណ្ឌិត​ ឱ វណ្ណឌីន ថ្ងៃទី​១៤ តុលា ២០២១

​ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ

It is clear all numbers published by the Hun Sen government indicate it has managed Covid pandemic rather well. What is so unclear is whether they reflect the reality.

There are several reasons to suggest they may not. First, it is how Or Vandine trivialises the published absolute numbers for Covid deaths. She now wants the public to ignore them. They have been persistent below 20’s per day. She says a proportional representation of deaths shows a better light, compared to those of other countries.

Anyhow, here are the problems. She does not know what she is talking about. While speaking in glowing terms for the percentage representation, she admits she has not done the math for the proportional numbers. That has not stopped her from guessing. It is worrisome that she bulldozes her way through the statistics just to impress.

Second, Hun Sen and Or Vandine have begun to point out that some of the deaths are due to other existing ailments of patients, not necessarily Covid infections. Ministry of Health has instructed that no more tests for Covid infections be carried out for corps. These changes will cover up the real extent of the deaths from Covid by making the daily fatality numbers lower.

Of course, Hun Sen has already used this kind of data manipulation to give the impression that the pandemic is being subdued. The published daily infection rate drops overnight by more than 50% from its high to low hundreds on average when Hun Sen has ordered it ignore rapid antigen test results. While he is right that the test is not as accurate as that of the PCR, many world-renowned epidemiologists recommend the rapid antigen test as a useful complementary tool to quickly identify and control the extent of the infection spread. Nevertheless, he is the one who has initially promoted the test and encouraged the public to use it. He has instructed the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications to import and sell the test kits at about $3 a pop.

Due to the propensity of the government to impress by manipulations, one may wonder if it has also fudged the published vaccination rate, which is now one of the highest in the world. As Hun Sen micromanages many things in the country, especially the local media, there is no way to test validity and reliability of the published rates. Nobody has ever elaborated how those vaccination rates come about. It is more like a public relations exercise when some old and frail people are presented with rewards in the media as winners for receiving a jab at various milestones of the vaccination campaign. Its record keeping must be in an impeccable sequence for them to identify the winners.

Thus, the public will know even less than before the true extent of the pandemic. Some may freak out with a belief Hun Sen has lost control of the virus and resorted to whitewash. Others may be complacent with the rosy numbers and become cavalier.

Ung Bun Ang

26x21

Fake News You Can Trust

Let’s try to understand how Hun Sen’s rule of law works to protect individual’s privacy in Cambodia. His hotshot minion Chin Malin at the Ministry of Justice claims the privacy law does indeed protect private conversations of all individuals, but he slaps on it a huge caveat that they are not be in violation of the Hun Sen law.

To determine whether they are or not, Chin Malin insists someone listen in on the conversations – and tape them for good measure. While a full force of wrath of Hun Sen court will fall upon the individuals for their private conversations that are deemed to be unlawful, Chin Malin says the law ignores the eavesdropper who has violated the privacy law at the first place when prying.

Chin Malin’s explanation of the working of the privacy law implies this is how Hun Sen has benefited from the selective application of the law. The strongman boasts he has access to recordings of at least 50 meetings of other people, and can sneak – at will – into any Zoom meetings, and gets off scot-free. 

«យើងត្រូវបែងចែកអោយបានច្បាស់ កិច្ចសន្ទនាសម្ងាត់ដែលមិនបំពានទៅនឹងច្បាប់ អាហ្នឹងការពារដោយច្បាប់ ក៍ប៉ុន្តែបើសិនជាកិច្ចសន្ទនាសម្ងាត់ដែលប៉ះពាល់ទៅដល់ន្តិសុខជាតិ អញ្ចឹងទេ កិច្ចសន្ទនាសម្ងាត់នោះលែងការពារដោយច្បាប់ហើយ គឺថា សមត្ថកិច្ចគេអាចប្រើគ្រប់មធ្យោបាយធ្វើការទប់ស្កាត់បទល្មើសដែលកើតចេញផែនការនិងកិច្ចសន្ទនាសម្ងាត់​​។»

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​ក្រសួង​យុត្តិធម៌ ជិនម៉ាលីន ថ្ងៃទី ២៥ មិថុនា​២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ     

 

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Dear Rong Chhun

 

«បើពាក់ព័ន្ឋទៅនឹងស្ថានភាពសុខភាពគាត់ យើងអាចនិយាយបានថា គាត់មានសភាពទ្រុឌទ្រោម ប៉ុន្តែអ្វីដែលផ្តោតទៅលើមនសិការតាមរយៈការបញ្ចេញនូវមតិរបស់គាត់គឺគាត់មិនមានទិដ្ឋភាពថា គួរអោយអាណិតទេ គឺថាគួរអោយគោរព និងស្ញប់ស្ញែង ដោយសារតែគាត់នៅតែមានភាពក្លាហានក្នុងការនិយាយអ្វីដែលជាការណ៍ពិត។»

បុគ្គលិកផ្សព្វផ្សាយសមាគមបណ្តាញយុវជនកម្ពុជា លោកម៉ាចិត្រា វិទ្យុទូរទស្សន៍អាស៊ីសេរី   ថ្ងៃទី ១៨ សីហា​ ២០២១

«អ្វីដែលជាការចាប់អារម្មណ៍ដំបូងនោះគឺពេលដែលលោកគ្រូរ៉ុងឈុន គាត់បានចូលទៅដល់បន្ទប់សវនាការភ្លាម គឺគាត់បានស្នើទៅដល់ស្ថាប័នក៏ដូចជាអង្គទូតនានាហ្នឹងអោយជួយពិនិត្យ ឬក៏ជួយធ្វើយ៉ាងណាអោយរដ្ឋាភិបាលហ្នឹង ធ្វើយ៉ាងម៉េចអោយ ពន្ធនាគារហ្នឹងកុំអោយមានសភាពចង្អៀតពេក ដែលគាត់មានការព្រួយបារម្ភអំពីការរីករាលដាលនៃជម្ងឺកូវីដ ជាពិសេសនេះគឺអាប្រភេទមេរោគថ្មីប្រភេទដែលតានេះដែលគាត់មានការព្រួយបារម្ភមែនទែន ហើយអ្វីដែលលោកគ្រូរ៉ុងឈុនគាត់បានលើកឡើងទៀតហ្នឹង គឺគាត់បានលើកឡើងថា កំឡុងខែ៥កន្លងទៅហ្នឹង សកម្មជនចំនួន៣២នាក់បានឆ្លងជម្ងឺកូវិដនេះដែរ។»

បុគ្គលិកផ្សព្វផ្សាយសមាគមបណ្តាញយុវជនកម្ពុជា លោកម៉ាចិត្រា វិទ្យុទូរទស្សន៍អាស៊ីសេរី   ថ្ងៃទី ១៨ សីហា​ ២០២១

«លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន បាន​សំណូមពរ​ទៅ​ចៅក្រម​ជំនុំ​ជម្រះ​ឱ្យ​កាត់ក្ដី​ចៀសវាង​នូវ​អគតិធម៌​ទាំង​បួន ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន​សេចក្តី​លម្អៀង​ព្រោះ​ស្រឡាញ់ សេចក្តី​លម្អៀង​ព្រោះ​ស្អប់ សេចក្តី​លម្អៀង​ព្រោះ​ពុំ​យល់​ការ​ខុសត្រូវ សេចក្តី​លម្អៀង​ព្រោះ​ខ្លាច​អំណាច ឬ​ខ្លាច​ចិត្ត​គេ។ សំណូមពរ​នេះ​ត្រូវ​បាន​ចៅក្រម​គោះ​តុ​ឱ្យ​ឈប់​និយាយ និង​ចាត់ទុក​ចំណុច​ដែល​លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន លើកឡើង​មិនមែន​ជា​សំណូមពរ។ ចៅក្រម​ជំនុំ​ជម្រះ លោក លិ សុខា បាន​ទាមទារ​ឱ្យ​លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន សំណូមពរ​បន្ត​ទៀត ប៉ុន្តែ​លោក រ៉ុង ឈុន បាន​បដិសេធ ដោយ​ថា​លោក​កំពុង​សំណូមពរ​ហើយ តែ​លោក​ចៅក្រម​មិន​ឱ្យ​និយាយ ដូច្នេះ​លោក​មិន​មាន​អ្វី​ត្រូវ​និយាយ​ទៀត​នោះ​ទេ។»

ប្រធាន​សមាគម​គ្រូបង្រៀន​កម្ពុជា​ឯករាជ្យ លោកស្រី អ៊ុក ឆាយ៉ាវី ថ្ងៃទី​២៨ កក្កដា ២០២១ ឌឹ ខេមបូឌា ដេលី

« …លោករ៉ុងឈុនស្រែកថា​ គាត់មិនផ្តិត(ស្នាមមេដៃ)ទេ បើក្រដាសសអត់មានសរសេរលាយលក្សណ៍អក្សរមួយតួអញ្ចឹង អញ្ចឹងគាត់អត់ផ្តិតមេដៃនៅពេលហ្នឹង ហើយក៏គាត់បែរខ្លួនមកវិញ គាត់ស្រែកប្រាប់អង្គទូតនិងសង្គមស៊ីវិលទាំងអស់ អ្នកចូលរួមស្តាប់ការប្រកាសសាលក្រមថា គាត់មិនបានផ្តិតទេបើក្រដាសសអញ្ចឹង ត្រូវបានអ្នកយាមដែលការពារគាត់ ទៅបានទាញគាត់ដាក់ខ្នោះ។»

ប្រធាន​សមាគម​គ្រូបង្រៀន​កម្ពុជា​ឯករាជ្យ លោកស្រី អ៊ុក ឆាយ៉ាវី ថ្ងៃទី​២៨ កក្កដា ២០២១ ឌឹ ខេមបូឌា ដេលី

 

Stay strong, my friend. Stand proud of your ideal and conviction. Your refusal to kneel is exemplary. You appear frail in court, but your reverence and courage shine through in the darkness of injustice. You have lived what Mahatma Gandhi says of his own resolve when facing an unjust authority, “You can chain me, you can torture me, you can even destroy this body, but you will never imprison my mind.”

Your selflessness should put the selfish to shame. While in court to hear your own sentencing, you ask for nothing other than a solution to prison overcrowding. You are concerned with the Covid outbreak there and reveal that it has infected 32 inmates.

Your shrewdness and audacity are an affront to the Hun Sen’s corruption network, especially when they drive your judiciary interlocutor almost insane during the 30 July 2021 hearing. In your response to presiding judge Le Sokha who asks for your request, you suggest he avoid four biases in his judgement: liking someone, or hating someone, or ignorance, or fear. Effectively, you implore the judge to wear blindfolds to represent objectivity and impartiality in matters of law and justice.

Indeed, the judge blows up, thumps his bench, interrupts your request, and demands you make another. You refuse, saying you must not speak anymore since you have been disrupted while making it. He could expect you to beg him for mercy in the second one. Should he have any conscience, he must be humiliated by your recalcitrance. This could explain why he imposes a maximum sentence in jail terms of two years and a ridiculous joint monetary penalty of $100,000 with other two accused of similar incitement charges. Many case observers claim the court has no plausible evidence to convict any of you.

Nevertheless, your message on judicial objectivity and impartiality may not get through as the judge is a product of a judicial system that is alien to the ideal behind the Lady of Justice who wears blindfolds while holding a scale. These judges may think the Lady is playing a game of hide-and-seek and cheating by peeping through the blindfolds to see how much fear or favour on one of the plates. They may not realise the blindfolds symbolise justice that is blind to an individual’s skin colour, identity, beauty, race, power, wealth, etc.

Your tenacity helps expose corrupt courts that are ruled by nothing but fear or favour. You refuse their instructions to put your thumbprint on a blank paper, which denies them an easy fabrication of evidence or confessions. They promptly put handcuffs on you. Your defiance deprives them of satisfactions they long for.

You refuse to give Hun Sen and his minions any pleasure of wielding their enormous power and wealth. Your steadfast commitment to Cambodia is total and non-negotiable. It may be in vain, but human history is full of changes that have arisen only from the total commitment and courage, as you have displayed, to benefit mankind in the long run. 

Ung Bun Ang

31viii21

Fake News You Can Trust

It seems the news that Sar Kheng travels to France has set off a frenzy within the-once-formidable-and-now-comatose opposition. CNRP high profiler Men Sothavarin floats an “unofficial” meeting between his party and Sar Kheng, which he says could lead to another Paris Peace Accord. He has nothing to offer to his antagonists for the meeting, except a naïve claim that Khmers should talk to each other. This expectation is nothing short of a chimeric dream.

The CPP’s response is swift and unmerciful with a pour of icy cold water, dampening any hope of excitement.

A source close to Hun Sen says Sar Kheng is not in a condition to have any meeting besides his doctors in Paris. He is there for his chronic high cholesterol, diabetes, and heart conditions, which have deteriorated, forcing him to seek the overseas medical treatment. He has lost consciousness twice in the last few months.

The source confirms a report that Hun Sen has approved the medical trip, and more importantly, has handpicked his man at the Ministry of Interior secretary of state Sak Setha to act as the minister. Sar Kheng may not return to the Ministry unless his lingering medical conditions improve to the extent that he no longer falls unconscious. Then again, this is one of the many lifetime positions, from which all CPP elite will exit only in a box – Chea Sim, Sok An, Hoc Lundy, etc.

Anyway, the Sak Setha’s appointment, while one of Hun Sen’s inner-circle thorns is wilting, may signal Hun Sen’s move to prepare for a smoother transfer of power from himself to his son Manet. 

«បាទ! ច្បាស់ហើយអាចនឹងមាន [ជំនួបជាលក្ខណៈ​​​ក្រៅផ្លូវការរវាងមន្ត្រីអតីតបក្សប្រឆាំង​ជាមួយនឹងលោក ស ខេង] ព្រោះយើងគឺ​​ជាខ្មែរនិងខ្មែរតើ! ខាងគណបក្ស​​ស​​ង្រ្គោះ​​​​​​ជាតិ ជាពិសេសលោកប្រធាន សម រង្ស៊ី គាត់អត់មានគុំកួនអ្វី​​ទាំងអស់​​គាត់គិត​​គូរពី​​ប្រ​​ជា​​ពលរដ្ឋរបស់គាត់។ និយាយរួម បើជាគំនិតខ្ញុំផ្ទាល់ អាហ្នឹង [ការចរចាគ្នា រកច្រកចេញ] ដូច​​កិច្ច​​ព្រមព្រៀងទីក្រុងប៉ារីស។ អ៊ីចឹងមានអី! មានតែខ្មែរនិងខ្មែរហ្នឹង​ទេ គួរ​​​មានការចរចាគ្នា​​ដើម្បី​​ប្រ​​​ទេស​ជា​​តិ​របស់យើង។»

អតីតអ្នកតំណាងរាស្រ្ត នៃអតីត​គណ​បក្ស​​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ​​លោក ម៉ែន សុថាវរិន្ទ្រ ថ្ងៃទី២៣ ខែសីហា២០២១ វីអូឌី

 

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How Hun Sen et al. Profiteer From Covid

 

«អ្នកខ្លះថា រួចម៉េចបានជាទៅទិញតែពីចិន រួចម៉េចក៏អាមេរិកអាអីមិនទិញ? មិនមែនមិនចង់ទិញទេ តែទិញវាមិនបាន។»

ឱវណ្ណឌីន  វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ   ថ្ងៃទី ២០ កក្កដា ២០២១

«មួយរយៈចុងក្រោយនេះ មានបាតុភាពបានកើតឡើងជារឿយ​ៗ ដែល​អ្នកជំងឺ​មាន​សភាព​ធ្ងន់​ធ្ងរបាន​ទៅ​រក​កន្លែង​ព្យាបាល​នៅតាមសេវាសាធារណៈ (មន្ទីរពេទ្យរដ្ឋ) និងសេវាព្យាបាលឯកជន (គ្លីនិកឯកជន) តែ​បែរ​ជាមន្ទីរពេទ្យ​មួយចំនួន​​មិន​​ទទួល​​ពួកគាត់​យក​​ទៅព្យាបាល​ទៅវិញ។»

រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងសុខាភិបាល លោក ម៉ម ប៊ុនហេង ថ្ងៃទី ៦ សីហា ២០២១  វីអូឌី

«ខ្ញុំសូមអំពាវនាវចំពោះឯកឧត្តម លោកជំទាវ លោកឧកញ៉ា លោកស្រី អស់លោកសំរាប់ចាក់ដូសទី៣ គឺសុំអោយផ្អាកការដាក់សំណើរស្នើសុំ គឺផ្អាក។»

នាយក​រ​ដ្ឋ​មន្រ្ដីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃទី ៩ សីហា ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ 

 

Hun Sen and his elite minions must be one of the few in the world to profiteer from the Covid pandemic. His latest scheme for personal wealth enrichment is to outsource imports and supplies of much sought-after Western Covid vaccines to his medical minions who can then charge the public a fee.

The scheme creates a potential two-billion-dollar industry. If the UN and Aun Pornmoniroth are right that Covid has sent 17.4% of the population into poverty, then 2.9 million of them cannot presumably afford the private vaccination fee. Only the 14 million better-off can, without pawning their possessions. The vaccination is initially open only to those older than 17 years old, which means 9.0 million of the better-off. Hun Sen later increases the market size by lowering the vaccination age down to 12, which goes against the UN’s recommendation that vaccinations for all older adults be first completed; they say they are more at risk. Anyway, this adds 1.6 million better-off onto the demand; it is then expanded further with Hun Sen’s subsequent proclamation of a third jab for all. If the private vaccination fee is $100 per jab – maybe be higher for Pfizer’s – the industry income will surpass $2 billion for two jabs per person. And if Hun Sen decides the Covid vaccination needs a periodic boost, the industry will be forever lucrative.

It is surprising the scheme now makes imports of Western vaccines suddenly possible. Only last month, Hun Sen’s Covid spokeswoman Or Vandine is adamant the government cannot buy them; they want to. His medical business minions claim they can and will initially import Pfizer and Morderna.

One must have rocks in their head to deny the scheme’s centrepiece is corruption that Hun Sen has perfected to become an open secret. Like other lucrative businesses in the country, there must be grease payments to secure Hun Sen’s permit and blessings for the vaccine import and distribution. About ten private hospitals and clinics have already been blessed.

The permit holders must know they are going to make a killing in the healthcare system that usually has a high disregard for doctors’ Hippocratic Oath. Health Minister Mom Bun Heng says they have turned away Covid patients. They pick and choose which patients to treat to maximise their cashflows. They know there has been a widespread mistrust of the Chinese vaccines; many will pay “anything” for Western shots.

Thus, there will be a rush among the better-off for the Western vaccines. The elite minions have already asked Hun Sen for Astra Zeneca, after the first batch barely arrives. Though the man refuses it in public, which makes him look fair-minded and respectable, the minions must know how the backdoor works. They may think with a smirk that Hun Sen is just kidding himself when rejecting their courtesy overture.

The vaccination outsourcing scheme is hardly surprising, though; it is consistent with Hun Sen’s track records of enriching and protecting his power base, which has never been the 2.9 million destitute. 

Ung Bun Ang

21viii21

Fake News You Can Trust 

So, when is the right time to use Astra Zeneca vaccine as the third dose Hun Sen has ordered for those who have already had Sinopharm or Sinovac as their first two doses?

According to Hun Sen, nobody knows. He says his government and the Health Ministry have no idea until they conduct a diligent study to determine the appropriate time gap between the three doses. If he is in the dark, why has he rushed to announce the third dose, which gets all the nervous excited?

However, it seems either Hun Sen does not know what he is talking about, or he is kept out of the loop, or his early dementia has set in. A few days earlier, Chair of the Committee for Covid-19 Vaccinations Or Vandine announces the ideal time gap between the first and the proposed third dose is between six to eight months.

With so many committees and sub-committees Hun Sen has set up to deal with the pandemic, no wonder he has lost tracks of what is going on. Covid may just create enough havoc to send many of those committee members into having their examined. 

 

« យើងអត់ទាន់បានសិក្សាអំពីគំលាតរវាងដូសទី១ ដូសទី២ អោយរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលក៏ដូចជាក្រសួងសុខាភិបាលខ្លួនឯងក៏មិនទាន់បានកំណត់អំពីការចាក់សំរាប់ធ្វើជាការដូសជំរុញនេះបានដែរ។… លុះត្រាតែមានការសិក្សាហ្មត់ចត់អំពីគំលាតរវាងដូសទី១ ដូសទី២ និងដូសទី៣ ហើយយើងមានវ៉ាក់សាំង ទើបយើងអាចឈានទៅដល់ការចាក់ជូនអ្នកដែលបានចាក់ដូសទី១ ដូសទី២នៃវ៉ាក់សាំងអាស្រាសេនីកា ។»

នាយក​រ​ដ្ឋ​មន្រ្ដីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃទី ៩ សីហា ២០២១ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ 

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