«… ប៉ុន្តែ ២ ភាគ ៣ នៃការបង្កើតគណៈកម្មការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោត
បើសិនវាគាំងគឺសម្លាប់ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅស្រុកខ្មែរតែម្តង។ សុំអ្នកវិភាគទាំងឡាយយល់អោយច្បាស់អំពីកន្លែងហ្នឹង។
បើអ្នកឯងទារ២ ភាគ ៣ គឺអត់បានទេ និយាយដាច់ខាត គឺអត់តែម្តង។ »
CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 1 July 2014, TVK
«ខ្ញុំគ្រាន់តែផ្តាំជូនទៅវិញ
បើខ្លួនល្ងង់ ក៏ល្ងង់ម្នាក់ឯងទៅ ភាពស្របច្បាប់នៅកម្ពុជា គឺត្រង់វាអស់ហើយត្រឹមរាជក្រឹត្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រ
។ នៅប្រទេសថៃ ក៏អ៊ីចឹងដែរ លោកប្រាយុទ្ធ ចាន-អូចា គាត់ទទួលបានព្រះរាជក្រឹត្យពីមហាក្សត្រថៃ
គាត់អាចធ្វើការងារបាននៅឯទីនេះ រឿងបញ្ហាធំជាងគេសភាប្រជុំ ហើយបើសភាប្រជុំហើយមិនទាន់មានរាជក្រឹត្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រ
ក៏អត់បានដែរ... អាណឹងវាចប់ត្រឹមប៉ុណ្ណឹង ស្របច្បាប់ ឬមិនស្របច្បាប់លោកឯងគិតមើលទៅ
។»
CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 4 July 2014, Phnom-Penh Post
“This
two-thirds majority is an instrument for killing the whole Cambodian nation.
How? If the selection of the NEC that requires the two-thirds majority fails,
nothing will subsequently happen. Who can guarantee that the two thirds
majority will succeed in setting up the NEC? No one. If a party president gives
this guarantee to the people, they will contravene the Constitution because no
one can tell members of parliament what to do.”
Chheang Vun, 4 July 2014, Radio France Internationale
“I
would like to confirm that if no other new law comes to replace it [existing
law], it means that everything will continue to go smoothly in accordance with
the existing laws.”
CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 4 July 2014, The Phnom Penh Post
“If we [the CPP] are crooked like what
they say, frankly, the CPP can benefit a great deal from this two thirds
majority. This two thirds majority would give an absolute advantage to the CPP.
After being in collusion with all that would result in a compromised position,
the CPP could still vote it down [in the parliament], and the CNRP would fail.”
Chheang Vun, 4 July 2014, Radio France Internationale
«យុទ្ធសាស្រ្តរបស់រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីឃោសនាការ
របបអ៊ីត្លែម្នាក់បាននិយាយថា បើយើងនិយាយបំភ្លើស និងភូតកុហកគេម្ដង គេនៅតែមិនជឿ យើងព្យាយាមនិយាយកុហកគេ
និងបំភ្លៃគេ ១រយដងទៀត គេប្រាកដជាជឿយើងជាពុំខាន ។»
Bandit Sapheajar Sok An, 28 June 2014, Deum Ampil News
Thanks to
Chheang Vun’s elaboration, it becomes reasonably clear why Hun Sen claims the
two-thirds majority (TTM) for National Election Committee (NEC) would kill
democracy as he knows it. Chheang Vun even tries to outdo his chief by claiming
it would kill the whole nation.
Nevertheless,
the democracy that would be killed may be the one that comes with Hun Sen’s
highest legitimacy of all – the royal decree. This is the type Hun Sen says
legitimises Thailand’s National Council for Peace and Order after its coup
removing an elected government.
But why his
TTM’s rejection is so absolute, especially when he holds all the aces?
Hun Sen has
full control over the King, who invariably acts on his command. This is the
King who is about to promulgate new judiciary laws that hold himself
responsible for anything over which he has neither say nor control.
Hun Sen’s
craftiness in running over, or going around, laws and Constitution for
political expediency is legendary. The King Father describes Hun Sen’s 2004
package vote amendment as an act of raping the Constitution. Of late, it suits
Hun Sen to pretend there are no legal provisions for a national congress, as if
he is unaware that they are enshrined in Chapter 14 of the Constitution. Only
ignoramuses would believe Chheang Vun that the CPP is law-abiding.
Hun Sen knows
that any TTM deadlock will have no consequences on his democracy. The worst
outcome in any deadlock is that he will still remain there with his guns and
bullets; and the King would not dare kick him out with the royal decree.
Why then does
Hun Sen refuse the TTM that could well be a public relations coup for him?
Chheang Vun
claims the CPP takes a moral highground, and rejects the TTM because it gives
his party a distinct political advantage over its rivals. For a party that uses
every means at its disposal, including deadly violence, to put a lid on
anything that moves, Chheang Vun is just kidding himself.
Beyond that,
the reason is not clear. It is possible, nevertheless, that the current mess
becomes an attack on nerves that has driven the Hun Sen flightiness. In the
face of persistent and ever widening turmoils in industrial actions, land
disputes, and borders encroachments, the strongman may need more than guns and
bullets to diffuse the rising temperature among victims of his actions.
Population unrests, despite violent crackdowns, in the last twelve months could
turn any dictator into a bundle of nerves.
For now,
however, the chief keeps on raming the killer TTM down his Indians’ throat. And
his deputy Sok An – with a glorified title of academician – has a soothing
message from a Hilter’s information minister: if the chief pounds hard enough,
his Indians would swallow it.
Yet, Hitler
failed. Likewise, the TTM demand, whether Hun Sen rejects it or not, may
trigger a collapse of his democracy under a sheer weight of anguish of his
victims who are longing for relief.
Ung Bun Ang
10vii14
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